Search results

1

Mocarstwa regionalne jako wyzwanie badawcze. Wybrane zagadnienia

100%

Bryła J.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

17-43

EN

Since the end of the Cold War regional powers play more and more important role in international relations, on regional and global level as well. Increase of scientist interest in studying of regional powers and regional power status highlighted the fact, that this category of states became a real research challenge for many reasons. Both concepts - "region" and "power" - are contested across and within disciplines. Authors disagree on what makes region and what states and why one can classify as a part of the region; disagreement is also on what power and regional power status is, and how to measure it. Many different theoretical and methodological approaches are applied, and different analytical tools, typologies, criteria of identifying, classifying, and distinguishing regional powers are in use, what makes it difficult, for instance, to compare this category of states. All of this make necessary further systematic and in depth research for better and more comprehensive understanding of regional powers, their role in international relations, in global and regional governance and in regional security orders.

2

The European Union Weltanschauung and the Liberal World Order

80%

Ilik G.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2016

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vol. 4

9-26

EN

This article investigates the challenges of the liberal democracy in the new international context, provoked by the emergence of the new great powers (Russia and China), and especially the establishment of the BRICS grouping in the world political scene. Namely, this article ‘clashes’ the both paradigms of BRICS and the EU, in order to conclude their performances in relation to the values of liberal democracy. In that context, especially is stressed the liberal axiological set of the EU, as a postmodern entity, with typical soft power in the international relations. The EU soft power stems from its axiological set, which predominantly is composed by the values of liberal democracy. The new international context is characterised by the establishment of liberal and illiberal actors. The IR theorists treated the USA and the EU as main represents of the liberal democracy, whilst Russia and China, as illiberal democracies, or simply, autocracies. This article concludes the forthcoming challenges of the liberal democracy in the new international context, as well as the place, role and the international political capacity of the EU, in relation to its mission for safeguarding and advancement of the liberal democratic values.

3

How can NATO as a collective alliance effectively counter the threat of Russia’a hybrid warfare?

80%

Jagminas A.

Security Forum

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue Volume 1 No. 2/2017

7-18

EN

Crimea annexation and ongoing Ukrainian crisis are major issues which have influenced the perception of security in Europe, being a result of the Russian Federation assertive policy making. As fundamental Russian national interests are defined in ‘Russian National Security Strategy to 2020 (RNSS)’, it deserves closer attention as it provides insight into strategic national priorities and prescribes measures to ensure security and development. The paper aims to analyse threats recognized in the Strategy including those related to three Baltic States. The paper analyses the main threats arising from RNSS towards the Baltic region, next it evaluates the actual feasibility of Lithuanian, Estonian and Latvian defence concepts to counter threats emerging from RNSS and implications for the Baltic States’ military security.

4

Is globalization a cause of asymmetric conflicts? Is it part of the solution or a problem?

80%

Prosic A.

Security Forum

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue Volume 1 No. 1/2017

29-38

EN

There is no place on the Earth which is not influenced by globalisation processes as for now with differing results and outcomes. It is especially influencing the Middle East and North Africa as they live with own values and those are determined by outside world influences. The paper is to research the interaction between globalisation and asymmetric conflicts that shape world politics economy, culture and security of the modern world. It covers globalistion effects on asymmetrical warfare and the way that globalisationhas greatly increased the ability of terrorists using asymmetric means and violence, in order to achieve a political, religious or ideological goal The paper is structured in three sections. It definesthe concepts of globalisation and asymmetric conflicts presens an interaction between globalisation, cultures and religion and finally describes asymmetric opposition of 'weaker' toward 'strong' in the modern form of 'asymmetric warfare', namely terrorism.

5

Stosunki polsko-senegalskie. Stan obecny i perspektywy

80%

Ndiaye B.

Forum Politologiczne

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2006

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vol. 3 - Kontakty polsko-afrykańskie. Przeszłość, teraźniejszość, przyszłość

189-212

EN

Polish contacts with Senegal are presented here in the context of relations between Poland and Africa. Polish scientists and scholars played a significant role in the process of discovering The Black Continent. But, Poland has never been a colonial power. The first Polish emigrants arrived to the Senegalese coast at the second half of the 18th century. During the period of Poland's partitions, A number of Polish military men served in the Foreign Legion and thanks to this service, they arrived in Dakar. The character of Polish contact with Senegal changed during the inter-war period. Poland established an honorary consulate in Dakar, in the territory of French West Africa, whose mission was to promote Poland in the region. The opening of the diplomatic mission took place in 1935 and its competency inc-luded the all French West Africa territory. During the independence period, Senegal becomes one of Poland's larger West African trade partners. The first Polish-Senegalese trade agreement was signed on June 18, 1962. At the same time, an agreement for cooperation in the fields of technology and science was ratified. Along with the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1963, the Polish Trade Mission was created in Dakar. As part of international agreements, a small group of Senegalese youths was able to begin studies at Polish universities, mainly in the technological and medical fields. Cultural relations with Senegal resulted in Polish missionaries from various orders conducting mission activities in Senegal. Polish missionaries are present in Senegal since 1932. During the Second World War, 35 Poles have conducted mission work in the country. Polish missionaries of both genders were actively involved in virtually all local Roman Catholic Church activities in Senegal. Actually, nuns are worked in medical service, education and are also involved in running academicals/students Church groups and in training of religion teachers. They are also involved in charity work, bringing aid to the needy. There is also under their responsibilities church administration, teaching in schools or seminary academies in addition to their chief task, conducting pastoral duties under very difficult conditions. The economic cooperation between Poland and Senegal is not characteristic of the potential of either country. However, there are chances to improve the situation. There is a possibility of intensifying the direct relations and both capital and production ties of Senegalese and Polish firms.

6

Ubóstwo Afryki jako wyzwanie dla etyków stosunków miedzynarodowych

80%

Solarz A. M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 12 - Problemy bogactwa i biedy we współczesnej Afryce

109-125

EN

The problem of ethics in international relations is as old as the hills. Moral arguments can mobilize governments and people or prevent somebody from doing something. For the pope John Paul II ethics is „the safeguard of all that is human in any system" and this definition could be useful also to the system of international relations. Answer to the question why Africa hasn't taken advantage of fifty years of independence and is staying out of mainstream of globalization and what should be done to change this situation is rather complex. However, there could be found three groups of answers from ethical point of view which eventually have much to do with each other. One can argue that the most important factor responsible for Africa's current situation is colonialism and neocolonialism, the European domination and the exportation of black slaves from continent. Therefore nowadays rich countries should enlarge their financial help for Africa as a compensation. The argument from another point of view says that the main responsibility is in African culture and tradition and the enlargement of financial help may only make things worse. Africans should take their fate into their hands. There is also the Catholic Church's standpoint, well- known thanks to the Holy See's position in international relations. This point of view combines both above-mentioned and puts emphasis on reconciliation as a starting point to all indispensable changes.

7

Wielka Brytania w afrykańskiej rzeczywistości międzynarodowej przełomu XX i XXI wieku (1990-2007)

80%

Zajączkowski K.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

133-181

EN

Among the conditions which have shaped the relations between the European countries and Africa the ones worth mentioning are tradition and historical ties linking Europe with its former colonies. The process of colonisation, as well as decolonisation, and the postcolonial era have permanently tied African countries with the Old Continent. The two European countries which are most interested in developing cooperation with Sub-Saharan Africa are the United Kingdom and France - the two biggest colonial states in Africa. At the beginning of the last century, before the independence of Egypt, London controlled the largest part of Africa (36.5%), as well as Sub-Saharan Africa (41.5%); whereas France was on the second place, with 35% of the whole African continent and 28.6% of the Sub-Saharan part. The aim of this article is to present the policy of the UK towards Africa, its determinants and the role of historical factors in mutual relations, as well as the main directions of the British policy towards Africa - its main principles, aims and progress. The article focuses mainly on the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century, and on the rule of John Major and Tony Blair, i.e. 1990-2007.

8

Polityka zagraniczna Japonii wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

80%

Frelak P.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

471-500

EN

For decades Japanese foreign policy in the Middle East was oriented merely towards economic issues. Its main goal was to secure long-term and reliable deliveries of the Middle East oil, which was crucial to the Japanese economy. Therefore, during the Cold War Japan based its foreign policy in this distant region on the alliance with the United States. Strong relations with the Americans were seen by the government in Tokyo as a guarantee of its oil supplies from that volatile region. On the other hand the Japan-U.S. alliance imposed serious constraints on Japanese independent action in the Middle East. In addition, the tendency to frame foreign policy questions in terms of economic interests has led the Japanese government to underestimating the challenges of relations with the Middle East, an area where vital economic issues cannot be separated so easily from social, political, and strategic questions. The failure of these foreign policy guidelines in the Middle East became apparent in the last decade of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, forcing Japan to adopt more active role in the region, and develop more profound relations with the Middle Eastern partners. This new approach of the Japanese diplomacy can be seen in such areas as cultural cooperation (Japan-Arab Dialogue Forum), or political involvement (Iran, Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) in the region.

9

Pozycja i miejsce Etopii jako mocarstwa regionalnego a stosunki z sąsiadami

80%

Gemechu D. K.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

597-614

EN

Ethiopia is the strongest regional power among the states of the Horn of Africa. It is the second most populous country on the continent. This article refers to the past and recent relations with neighbors of Ethiopia, regarding its dominant position. The military intervention in Somalia, the war with Eritrea and their post war relations, peacekeeping mission in the Republic of South Sudan and other relations at the regional level are thoroughly analyzed. Ethiopia deployed hundreds of its troops in Somalia, to oust rebel insurgents in 2006. Chaos and violence in the country, frag- mentation of the population along clan and sub-clan lines gave Ethiopia strong position to freely operate in Somalia without significant resistance. Generally Ethiopia withdrew its troops in 2009,but it returned several times with small scale troops. Another victory for Ethiopia was noted after the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea from 1998-2000 that claimed numerous injuries, dislocation of innocent citizens and left thousands dead. Following the weak- ness of Somalia and then Eritrea, Ethiopian, position in the Horn of Africa became stronger. Ethiopia also involved in case of stabilization of the Sudan Conflict by sending its troops to the region of Abyei, a border between Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan. Ethiopia may keep its present dominant position in the future, if it changes its internal political system to more open and fully democratic which could lead to positive changes of political and socioeconomic situations in the region.

10

Główne problemy w stosunkach Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej z Japonią

80%

Dryjańska E.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

177-201

EN

The ending of the Cold War was the end of bipolar era with 2 main powers: the US and the USSR. In Asia it coincided with economical and military rising of People Republic of China which aim was always to become a superpower on the one hand and with the change towards more active role of Japan in world politics on the other hand. In East Asia it's China which is believed to dominate the region and challenge the US after the USSR fall. However one of the main thesis of the article is that the change in Japanese foreign policy although slow is radical because it is in fact the process of its normalization. In the view of these two great processes the author presents main problems in Sino-Japanese relations such as contradictory strategic interests, border dispute and controversy about Yasukuni shrine. In the article not only hard power perspective is taken into account. Except for the Japan alliance with the US, the modernization of the Chinese army and the border demarcation dispute concerning partition of the territories on East China Sea also the question of historical memory and reciprocal perception is presented.

11

Zachodnie mocarstwa wobec wydarzeń w Afryce Północnej

80%

Kumelska M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

391-421

EN

The mass demonstrations, which took place in the North Africa, soon called "Arab Spring", constituted unexpected surprise for Western Great Powers. As yet, the international community, haven't expected, that mass protests could, firstly became grass roots initiative, which do not have any connections with political or religious organizations, secondly boiled over into huge, social movement able to drive authoritarian regime out. Western Great Powers were confident that such situation could have happened after coup achieved by Islamists. Events that took place in the North Africa at the turn of 2010 and 2011 have shown the miscalculations of the West. This paper presents the reactions of Western Great Powers to "Arab Spring".

12

Stosunki polsko-etiopskie. Zarys problematyki

80%

Gemechu D. K.

Forum Politologiczne

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2006

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vol. 3 - Kontakty polsko-afrykańskie. Przeszłość, teraźniejszość, przyszłość

173-187

EN

This article examines the Polish-Ethiopian historical relations and problems appeared in the course of their relations. The article mainly refers to the process of efforts made to establish diplomatic, political, scientific, cultural and trade relations between the two countries to the end of 1960s. In the past, these relations were determined by the barrier of geographical distance as well as the lack of common interests of both countries. Even though, now days when the problem of distance does not appear as the major factor for multilateral relations between both countries, still the Polish-Ethiopian relations can be considered as unsatisfactory. The earlier contacts can be traced back to the period of the reign of king Jan Sobieski, who in the 17th century tried to establish the alliance of Christian countries against Turkey. Ethiopia was one of the countries he considered to contact for this purpose. The modern contacts and diplomatic relations started in 1930 during the coronation of Emperor Haile Sellasie I. During the Se¬cond World War, the Ethio-Italian conflict and pro Italian stand taken by Poland, led to the deterioration of Polish-Ethiopian relations. The diplomatic relation was renewed after the end of the Second World War. Even though different obstacles occurred in bilateral relations, and the achievements of the goals were not so satisfactory, both parties were determined to maintain their relations.

13

Spór Chin i Japonii o Archipelag Senkaku

80%

Wangrat M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

203-220

EN

The Senkaku Islands, or Diaoyutai Islands are a group of disputed, uninhabited five small volcanic islands and three rocky outcroppings. The islands are located roughly northeast of Taiwan, due west of Okinawa, and due north of the end of the Ryukyu Islands in the East China Sea. They are currently controlled by Japan, but also both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) claim that these islands fall under their respective sovereign jurisdiction. Historically, the islands are of insignificant economic value be- sides the rich fishing stock. They were mainly used as safe harbour for local fishers or navigation points so that till 1970 sovereignty over them wasn't discussed or questioned. However, a study by the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (UNECAFE) published in 1969 suggested that the seabed of the East China Sea could be one of the richest oil and gas-deposit areas in the region. It became apparent that the acquisition of territorial sovereignty over these islands might legitimise future claims to the adjacent territorial sea, and possibly to justify the creation of an exclusive economic zone under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The direct reason for the dispute was however the fact of giving the administration over the Riukiu islands and Senkaku back to Japan (in 1972) from temporary US military administration after the WW II. Japan declined the Chine- se claims and pointed out that till the mid 1970 no such claims were laid. Additionally for both sides military (due to location it is an important point in Japanese self defence system) and political (need to show the power of the countries at realizing their national interests, claims of sovereignty over the islands raised the spirit of nationalism in both countries used by politicians) meaning of the disputed territory became clear. The claims of both sides use a variety of historical, law and other reasons. The Chinese argumentation is trying to show that its acts of prior discovery, use, and ownership of the islands are sufficient to grant it legal title and argues about the legal treaties regarding these territories asserting that Japan specifically ceded the islands to China after World War II. On the other side Japan concentrate on the facts that it claims legal possession of the islands and peacefully and continuously exercised sovereignty over the is- lands for over one hundred years also the different interpretation of the treaties is represented. Both sides present extensive documentary evidence and historical arguments to prove title to the islands and appear unwilling to negotiate any compromise. The national pride and political interest have resulted in number of protests, incidents and quarrels over these territories started mainly by Chinese nationalists to support bad feelings against Japan or to make a pressure on Japanese government. However the situation in the region, despite the lack of cooperation in this matter is stabile. The economic concurrence between the countries and their need for mineral resources make the dispute stay open and to be used in the right time (as bargain by China) but it doesn't change the fact that Japan is exercising authority over the islands. Additionally the other disputes these countries have with their neighbours make it more difficult to achieve a sati factionary result because it could influence them as the sign of weakness. It is highly possible that the dispute will stay unsolved and without causing broader tensions will be used in particular cases according to the political interests of both sides.

14

Kombinat Górniczo-Hutniczy Miedzi - POLSKA MIEDŹ SA związki z Afryką

80%

Jaremczuk E. J.

Forum Politologiczne

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2006

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vol. 3 - Kontakty polsko-afrykańskie. Przeszłość, teraźniejszość, przyszłość

213-227

EN

The Company presented in the article is one the biggest producer of copper and silver in the Word. What made Company very modern, is strict and respected environmental standards, high quality of products and existence on the biggest stocks exchange throughout the world. The developing direction was determined by strategy, which enforced on Company searching an access to cheap mine, which is also situated in Africa. The Company has been in the continent of Africa since 1997, when it obtained right to exploitation Kimpe bed. The bed is located in Shaba province which belongs to Democratic Republic of Congo. At the present time exploited bed by KGHM is continually transformed and modified. In addition there are new investments connected with new technology. Base on the led research it is under consideration a suggestion of buying up rights to exploitation very similar bed situated near the border with Democratic Republic of Congo, in Zambia. For KGHM Company and Polish economy these new challenges should be controlled in details to avoid mistakes which are related to specific nature of African continent, its phenomenon and constant lack of political and economy stabilization.

15

Міжнародний порядок ХХІ століття: основні теоретико-концептуальні підходи

70%

Gerasymchuk T.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2016

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issue 25

EN

The article analyzes the main theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of international order as a dynamic state of the international system, reflected in its structural elements' submission to certain principles, rules and regulations. The methodology for international order study is based on a synthesis of systematic, structural and functional, institutional, regulatory and synergistic approaches. In a conceptual sense neorealism and neoliberalism are the most influential paradigms. At the center of discussion, related to both paradigms, is the State, but the emphasis is shifting regarding its role, opportunities and methods of influence on international politics. Neoliberalism stunds for the democratization of international relations, while neorealism defends the view that the international system is dominated by hierarchical type of management that disguises as a democratic and involves complex mechanisms of interests coordination. The events of recent years, including the crisis in the Ukraine-Russia relations, which has a global dimension and is the subject of inerstate relations of not only two States, show the transformation of foreign policy strategies of the most powerful world's States and their increasing role in the construction of modern international order.

16

The Poland-United States Security Relations in the light of Asymmetry Theory

61%

Kupiecki R.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2016

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issue 9

31-48

EN

Asymmetry in inter-state relations occurs when one of the partners enjoys more freedom of action, resulting from a unique confluence of power factors, thus obtaining a dominant position. Still, in the process, the superior power incurs costs and risks ineffectiveness, thus having to precisely calculate its modus operandi, while the weaker state has at its disposal means to mitigate the consequences of existing power discrepancies. Asymmetry defines Polish-US relations, manifesting itself with full strength in the field of security and defense, given the discrepancies in the two countries’ potentials, different roles played in international relations and the position of the USA as the guarantor of Poland’s security. This article touches upon the effects and the dynamics of this situation, perceived as a process that is the result of certain adjustments rather than coercion. Included in it is the ability of influencing the politics of the stronger partner as well as the overvaluation of its results by the weaker side, along with the neglect of the weaker player’s interests by the dominating side. Managing this kind of relations demands maturity and loyalty on both sides. Also, necessary is the institutionalization of deconflicting the priorities of cooperation, using international law tools and consultation mechanisms offered by multilateral forums as well as negotiating mutual relations protecting from their dissolution. Not without importance are also societal sentiments, as well as respect towards all symbolism that underlines mutual relations. Key for Polish-American cooperation, in the field of security, is an understanding of the USA’s global perspective, in which Europe is only one of its dimensions.

17

The Russian Federation’s neo-imperial expansionist strategy for the Post-Soviet region discussed using the example of the Russo-Georgian conflict of 2008

61%

Orzechowski M.

Reality of Politics

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2018

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issue 9

30-43

EN

The subject of this article is the analysis of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Georgia in 2008. The conflict has opened a new stage in Russia’s strategic drive to make decisions and implement them in areas recognized as important for the security of the country, even if they are outside its borders. The Georgian case clearly indicated that Russia wants to maintain its dominant position in the entire post-Soviet area. The region of the Caucasus remains an extremely important area for Russia, where it wants to maintain strategic control. The author proves in his article that the main determinants influencing the policy of the Russian Federation in the Caucasus region are: maintaining the greatest possible impact on the internal situation of the countries of the region, the maximum hindering possible integration with the Euro-Atlantic structures, the largest economic dependence on Russia, taking control over key sectors of the economy, maintaining military presence, isolation of the North Caucasus from Georgia, maintaining a monopoly on energy supplies, interest in Azeri mineral resources, striving to take over control of natural gas transport. The Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008 was one of the elements of Russia’s demonstration of the consequences of maintaining its dominant position in the post-Soviet area. The sphere of influence extends not only to Eastern Europe but also to the socalled Putin’s doctrine extends, in fact, to the entire area of the former USSR.

18

Dual Citizenship in Poland and in Israel: Selected Legal Aspects in a Comparative Perspective

61%

Zawada P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 2 (47)

302-318

EN

The tragic years of World War II, followed by the unfriendly communist policy in Poland towards the Jewish community, changed the country from a multicultural into the most homogeneous state in the European Union nowadays. At the same time, Israel, as a meeting place for various cultures, enjoys the influence of inhabitants from nearly all over the world. The dissimilar experiences and problems faced by the governing bodies should influence different approaches to dual citizenship in Poland and Israel. In view of the above, in the presented work the author would like to analyze the issue of the legal approach to dual citizenship both in Poland and in Israel. The main goal of the paper, beyond comparison of the effectiveness of the legislation, is finding the answer to the question: what is the state’s attitude towards the issue of the dual citizenship of their citizens? The hypothesis that the article will verify states, that due to the small number of people with dual citizenship in Poland, Polish legislation devoted to this topic is not extensive and has dissimilarities to the law in Israel, which, in contrast, is more complex and better response to the needs of society. The reason for comparing Poland and Israel is the fact that Polish citizenship has been very popular among the citizens of the Jewish state, especially since 2004 when Poland became a member of the European Union. This issue, in the long run, may be one of the key determinants of Polish-Israeli and Polish-Jewish relations.

19

Rola Kosowa w brytyjskiej polityce zagranicznej po rozpadzie Jugosławii

51%

Toszek B. H.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 50

134-148

EN

The main factor determining relations between the UK and Kosovo is huge disproportion of potential in all possible spheres. In comparison of strong British economic, political and military power Kosovo with its lack of full international recognition of its sovereignty and weak economy has no ability to be real partner for the UK. It is out of British interests circle either, because mutual contacts are created rather on moral obligation than real base. In consequence present relations formula gives the UK paternal role by possibility of shaping Kosovo’s authorities decisions applied to both political and socioeconomic affairs. However this position is connected with obligation to represent Kosovo’s interests before international community, especially in the EU and the NATO. Simultaneously Kosovars have a lot of advantages in co-operation with the UK as political, military and economic support and know-how in almost all spheres of public life, but in exchange they take out debt of gratitude which is difficult to appraise and repay. Anyway future membership of Kosovo in the EU and the NATO will make the UK stronger in these organizations, because there will be no doubts Kosovar’s politicians will vote correct to the British wishes. The UK policy directed to gain future ally inside the European structures seems to be effective and simultaneously brings stabilization and development for this part of the Western Balkans.

PL

Czynnikiem determinującym charakter stosunków brytyjsko-kosowskich jest ogromna dysproporcja potencjałów obu państw we wszystkich możliwych sferach. Nieposiadające pełnego uznania międzynarodowego, słabe pod względem ekonomicznym Kosowo nie może stanowić partnera dla Wielkiej Brytanii, dysponującej niekwestionowaną pozycją na płaszczyźnie gospodarczej, politycznej i militarnej. Nie znajduje się ono również w centrum zainteresowań brytyjskich, a wzajemne kontakty zostały nawiązane niejako przy okazji wypełniania przez Brytyjczyków „moralnego zobowiązania”, a nie na podstawie racjonalnych przesłanek. W tym kontekście obowiązująca formuła relacji opiera się na założeniu brytyjskiego paternalizmu, który wyraża się oddziaływaniem na kierunki aktywności politycznej oraz rozwój gospodarczy i społeczny Kosowa, a także występowaniem w obronie interesów Kosowa przed społecznością międzynarodową (w szczególności na forum Unii Europejskiej i NATO). Natomiast mieszkańcy Kosowa poprzez korzystanie z udzielanej przez Brytyjczyków na bieżąco pomocy wojskowej, politycznej i finansowej oraz udostępnienie know- -how zaciągnęli wobec Wielkiej Brytanii dług wdzięczności, którego spłata jest tym trudniejsza, że ani jej termin, ani warunki nie mają wymiaru formalnego. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, że w przypadku wejścia Kosowa do Unii Europejskiej i NATO istnieje spora szansa, że kosowscy politycy będą głosowali w tych organizacjach w sposób odpowiadający życzeniom brytyjskim. Dalekosiężna polityka Wielkiej Brytanii zmierzająca do pozyskania przyszłego sojusznika wewnątrz struktur europejskich wydaje się zatem przynosić pożądane efekty, służąc równocześnie stabilizacji i rozwojowi tej części Bałkanów Zachodnich.

20

USA–ChRL: konflikt konieczny?

51%

Kruszyński R.

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2020

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vol. 12

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issue 23

48-68

PL

Niniejsze opracowanie przedstawia problem ekspansjonizmu Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej i zagrożeń z tym związanych. Ekspansjonizm ChRL został zaprezentowany zarówno przez ukazanie jego skutków, jak i przyczyn. Przyczyny, głównie ideologiczne, stanowią bowiem istotny (a niejednokrotnie pomijany) element działania Chin na płaszczyźnie międzynarodowej. W kontekście gospodarczym chiński ekspansjonizm przejawia się w zdobywaniu, w tym przez naciski na zagraniczne przedsiębiorstwa, zagranicznego know-how. Opracowanie wskazuje również na problemy w tym zakresie w ujęciu bilateralnym (ChRL‒Stany Zjednoczone). Realizacja założeń ChRL doprowadziła do starcia handlowego między Chinami i USA, przy czym to starcie nie zostało jeszcze zakończone (mimo podpisania umowy handlowej zwanej Phase 1 Agreement lub Phase 1 Deal), a przyczyny bilateralnego konfliktu istnieją nadal. Może to doprowadzić do kolejnych starć między ChRL i USA. To z kolei może mieć wpływ na sytuację światową i doprowadzić nawet do nowej zimnej wojny, w której ZSRR zostanie zastąpiony przez ChRL.

EN

This study presents the issue of the expansion of the People’s Republic of China and the risks associated with it. Chinese expansionism is presented not only in the context of effects but also by showing its causes. The reasons, mainly ideological, are an important (and often overlooked) element of the China’s international activity. In the economic context, expansionism is manifested in the acquisition (including through pressure on foreign enterprises) of foreign know-how. The study also points out problems in bilateral relations (China‒US). The implementation of Chinese assumptions led to a trade dispute between these two countries nevertheless it has not ended yet despite the signing of a trade agreement called Phase 1 Agreement or Phase 1 Deal. The causes of bilateral conflict still exist and it may lead to further disputes between China and the US. This could affect the whole world even leading to the New Cold War in which the USSR will be replaced by China.

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