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EN
The issue of celebrating church holidays as state holidays is an example of the development of the relationship between the interwar Czechoslovak republic and the Catholic Church, as well as one of political Catholicism’s real successes in interwar Czechoslovakia. Political Catholicism managed to defend most church holidays in the changed political landscape. Introducing the single new, and anti-Catholic, Mr. Jan Hus holiday in the newly created state in 1925 caused a diplomatic affair between Czechoslovakia and the Holy See, and indirectly provoked significant domestic political unrest.
EN
The study deals with the policy towards the Jewish minority in Slovakia during the first years of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic. In particular it examines the attitudes, semantics and everyday praxis of the members of the new political establishment. Whilst they attempted to solve the “Jewish question” as soon as on the turn of the 19th and 20th century by establishing cooperatives, after the World War I they used their new governmental authority for revising the so-called “liquor licenses” which were seen as a “Jewish privilege”. This emphasis on the “practical” or “humanitarian” antisemitism – significant for the Czech and Slovak populism since the late 19th century – merged in the postwar period with the aggressive campaign against the “Judeo-Bolshevism” which was alleged as a threat for the new Czechoslovak state.
EN
The study focuses on the Czech nationalism in the first years of interwar Czechoslovakia and explores in detail the particular figure of Judeo-Bolshevism, as it was used in the Czech national discourse. Use of the term of the Jewish “race”, which was supposed to strive for power, was to help in uniting the national society and discard everything, which did not fi t within the framework of uniformly represented “national interest”. Stigmatizing bolshevism (communism) by its presumed “Jewishness” was used as an intelligible component of the identity language and helped to preserve the Czech „national unity“ as a main pillar of the newly founded state. The revolutionary project of the radical left therefore could have been positioned outside of this framework and thereby displaced out of the unified national collective.
EN
This paper deals with the approach of state power to public assemblies in interwar Czechoslovakia. It broaches the question of what the state-political authorities considered to be the limit of public order, which could not be crossed at political manifestations. Second, the paper focuses on the question of who determined the approach to public assemblies in the structure of the political administration. The issue is monitored within the manifestation culture of May Day. This holiday offers a defined field in which it is possible to study the ways in which the interwar state and its apparatus of political administration sought in practice the relationship between the guarantee of civil liberties (assembly or freedom of speech) and the protection of state authority.
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