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1

Bismarcks Entlassung als Anfang vom Ende? Der Bismarck-Mythos in Autobiographien der Weimarer Republik und des frühen „Dritten Reiches“

100%
von Knorring M.
West Bohemian Historical Review
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2015
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vol. 5
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issue 2
169-191
EN
The Bismarck-myth, which glorified the founder of the empire as an omnipotent hero, boomed in Germany after the First World War. At the same time, the increasing genre of autobiographies and memoirs consistently asked about the nature of the perished Wilhelmine period. In doing so, many authors connected the Bismarck-myth with the fate of the empire. They adopted the connection between the dismissal of the first chancellor und the failure of his successors in foreign policy, which often was postulated in public, and supplemented it by the dictum of inner degeneration after 1890. Thus they extended the Bismarck-myth and supported the increasing demand after a strong leader.
2
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Karlín and Kings Road: Two Different Worlds. A Comparison of the Political Success of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and Communist Party of Great Britain between the World Wars

100%
Melichar B.
Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers
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2018
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issue 27
94-120
EN
The study gives a comparative analysis of Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), which were chosen as unique examples of success and failure of national sections of Communist international among interwar Europe. The aim of the submitted research is to explain the paradoxical success of CPC sharply contrasted with the marginalization of CPGB. Historical fact that communists ideas were much less popular in Great Britain, a country with the highly developed capitalist system, than in a young Czechoslovak republic, completely turns over the expectations based on the classical texts of Marxist philosophers. The comparison of the organizational evolution of CPGB and CPC, their integration to the national political systems and possibilities of delegitimizations of symbolic pillars of British and Czechoslovak society can stress the causes of stability or instability of societies, in which these branches of communist movement worked. The inquiry that analyzes side by side the impact of two-party and multi-party political system, the role of social implication of open world of empire and small linguistic closed nation, a monarchy and president office as symbols of political and social stability can explore a new perspective on the research of the broad topic of interwar communist movement. Chosen type of individualizing comparison analysis put differences above consistent features in the attempt to highlight causes of openness of Czechoslovak society to the radical left ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the examined era.
3

Interwar Segregation Policy in the Union of South Africa: Paving the Road to Apartheid

88%
Bulvasová A.
West Bohemian Historical Review
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2013
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vol. 3
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issue 2
97-135
EN
This paper reflects a political scene of the Union of South Africa during the interwar era. During this time the Union had to solve two capital problems. Firstly it was the issue of coexistence of Afrikaner and English-speaking population. Secondly the government had to deal with the matter of native affairs. Time showed which one of these questions was more important for the government to be answered in the first place. There were two politicians who stood out from others with their rhetoric and political opinions: James Hertzog and Jan Smuts. Their decisions were crucial for the Union’s interwar policy.
4
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Reemigrace Čechů a Slováků po první světové válce

88%
Vaculík J.
Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)
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2016
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vol. 7
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issue 2
156-166
EN
The issue of Czechoslovaks returning from abroad after the Great War has received little attention to date in the Czech historiography. A clarification of this issue is, however, essential to understanding the migratory processes of this period in their entirety. It is practically impossible to separate the re-emigration of Czechs and Slovaks who had settled abroad before the war from the repatriation of persons forced across the borders during the course of the war (e.g. prisoners of war from the Austro-Hungarian army), since both occurred at the same period of time in the years 1918–1923 and the two groups of returnees frequently returned together.
5
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Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk und die deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen: einige Bemerkungen zu einem alten Thema

88%
Rákosník J.
Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers
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2019
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issue 30
42-51
EN
Masaryk’s attitudes changed during his life. At the same time, however, it is also possible to observe certain constants of his thinking and political attitudes on this issue. The interpretive perspectives in historiography are very different: on the one hand, there is the view that the Czech nationalist was betraying the declared humanist ideals; on the other hand, he is portrayed as an scholar exalted above nationalist animosities. It must be acknowledged that he was not always completely coherent in his attitudes and changed accents depending on political circumstances throughout his life. To emphasize these differences, Masaryk’s life is divided into three phases. As a pre-war politician, he understood Czech historical state law as a fact in which he tried to propose a compromise solution for the coexistence of both nationalities based on a high degree of district self-government, which he did not owe to any of the unmatched national camps. During the war, his arguments were dominated by international aspects and the formation of Czechoslovakia as a nation state with the status of the Germans as a minority with equal individual rights. The third part about Masaryk as an interwar president deals mainly with the reasons for the failure to build a «political» nation that would overlap ethnic differences.
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Jewish Political Life in Poland on the Eve of the Second World War

88%
Polonsky A.
pl.it / rassegna italiana di argomenti polacchi
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2022
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issue 13
4-16
EN
The increasingly critical situation of the Jewish minority and the bankruptcy of the previously dominant political orientations within the Jewish community created a new set of opportunities for a group, the General Jewish Workers’ Alliance, or Bund which had played only a marginal role in both Polish and Jewish politics between 1920 and 1935. The growing strength of the Bund was clearly evident in the municipal elections of late 1938 and early 1939 which saw it emerge as the largest Jewish party in towns such as Warsaw, Łódź, Vilna and Białystok. This article seeks to evaluate the Bund’s reaction to its heightened importance in Jewish politics in Poland.
7
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Problematyka naukowo-badawcza i dorobek naukowy pracowników Katedry Pedagogiki i Dydaktyki Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego 1919–1939 w stulecie powstania Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu (1919–2019)

65%
Nowak-Kluczyński K.
Biuletyn Historii Wychowania
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2019
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issue 41
145-165
EN
Research issues and academic achievements of the faculty of the Department of Pedagogy and Teaching at Poznań University in 1919–1939 on the centennial of the establishment of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (1919–2019). In its early days, Poznań University attracted a large number of researchers representing many disciplines of science but prevailing humanities. Poznań was a centre of very dynamic research into pedagogy and psychology. Initially, the Department of Pedagogy and Teaching at Poznań University focused on just a few research fields and areas. In the lead were issues related to the theory of upbringing, educating adults and the history of upbringing. In the local Department of Pedagogy and Teaching, a number of contributions was made to teaching and the methodology of some teaching subjects. In the Interwar Period, the following research areas were pursued by the pedagogy teachers at Poznań University: Antoni Danysz’ progressive-national trend referring to the ideological traditions of the Revolutions of 1848; Ludwik Jaxa-Bykowski’s nationalist-anthropological trend resulting from nationalist conflicts and efforts to reinforce the nation with special emphasis placed on the first decade of Poland’s independence; Marian Wachowski’s nationalist-imperialistic trend based on German philosophical pedagogy.
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Instytucjonalizacja pedagogiki w okresie Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie Katedry Pedagogiki i Dydaktyki Wszechnicy Piastowskiej

65%
Nowak-Kluczyński K.
Biuletyn Historii Wychowania
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2019
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issue 40
45-70
EN
The Second Polish Republic was a time of institutionalising and imposing stricter discipline in teaching in Poland. In the Interwar Period, institutions were established for teacher training, accompanied by new bodies in Polish universities tasked with teacher training and developing teaching methodology. A case in point was the establishment of the Faculty of Pedagogy and Didactics in Wszechnica Piastowska (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań). The first Faculty heads: Antoni Danysz, Bogdan Nawroczyński and Ludwik Jax-Bykowski, made considerable efforts for teacher training to play an important role in the structure of the Poznań University and to assume academic form. While the Faculty was closed down in 1933, Poznań University continued its cooperation with the Faculty of Psychology, thus providing an opportunity for educating future teachers.
9
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Edvard Beneš, der Abessinienkonflikt und die tschechoslowakische Aussenpolitik des Jahres 1935

63%
Jetel D.
Prague Papers on the History of International Relations
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2017
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issue 2
47-70
EN
Italian aggression against Abyssinia (Ethiopia) in 1935 placed Czechoslovak diplomacy in a predicament. On the one hand, as a member state of the League of Nations, the First Czechoslovak Republic was obliged to preserve the integrity and independence of other League members, including Abyssinia, and to apply at least economic sanctions against any aggressor. On the other hand, as a product of the First World War, Czechoslovakia was highly interested in maintaining the post-war order in Central Europe against growing German revisionism. Here, apart from France and Great Britain, Czechoslovak diplomats put their hopes in Italy as well and were particularly anxious to gain Mussolini for the defence of Austria. In light of this dilemma, the article examines the attitude and behaviour of foreign minister Edvard Beneš, who was not only Czechoslovakia’s leading diplomat but also the country’s principal actor in the League of Nations, where the Abyssinian crisis had been on the agenda since the beginning of 1935. As far as Beneš’ role in the League is concerned, the study focuses on the sixteenth Assembly in autumn 1935, of which Beneš was elected president. While previous works on Czechoslovakia’s Abyssinian policy are mainly based on documents from the Archives of the Czechoslovak Foreign Ministry, this article also uses sources from the League of Nations Archives in Geneva and the Archives of the Masaryk-Institute in Prague.
10
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Domy zdrowotno-wypoczynkowe Stowarzyszenia Chrześcijańsko–Narodowego Nauczycielstwa Szkół Powszechnych w okresie międzywojennym

51%
Zagdańska J.
Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae
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2018
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vol. 16
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issue 1
69-82
EN
The years of partitions, especially the period of the First World War, caused considerable deterioration of the health of the Polish population. The situation required radical action and heavy financial expenses. Meanwhile, the newly reborn Polish state had very few resources to provide fully professional healthcare. Therefore, different types of working professionals were expected to participate in the nationwide fight for citizens’ health and leisure. The first Polish community which strongly supported the Polish government in this area were teachers grouped in several organisations and associations. Among them was the Christian National Association of Common School Teachers, created in September 1921 as a result of the merger of nine teacher organisations. The result of the voluntary taxation of the representatives of that patriotic and national organisation was the establishment and maintenance of healthcare homes in Sewerynówka, near Szczawnica, and in Zakopane, as well as the resort hotel in Jastrzębia Góra. Some of these centres are still functioning.
PL
Lata zaborów, a przede wszystkim czas trwania I wojny światowej spowodowały znaczne pogorszenie stanu zdrowotności narodu polskiego. Sytuacja wymagała radykalnych działań i ogromnych nakładów finansowych. Tymczasem nowo odrodzone państwo polskie miało bardzo znikome środki na stworzenie w pełni profesjonalnej służby zdrowia. Oczekiwano więc – od różnego rodzaju środowisk pracujących zawodowo współuczestnictwa w organizacji ogólnopolskiego frontu walki o zdrowie i wypoczynek obywateli. Pierwszym środowiskiem, które pięknie wsparło w tym zakresie rząd polski byli nauczyciele, zrzeszeni w kilku organizacjach i stowarzyszeniach. Wśród nich było Stowarzyszenie Chrześcijańsko–Narodowe Nauczycielstwa Szkół Powszechnych, powstałe we wrześniu 1921 roku. Efektem dobrowolnych opodatkowań przedstawicieli tej patriotyczno – narodowej organizacji było wybudowanie, a następnie utrzymywanie Domów Zdrowia w Sewerynówce pod Szczawnicą i w Zakopanem oraz Domu Wypoczynkowego w Jastrzębiej Górze. Niektóre z tych ośrodków funkcjonują po dzień dzisiejszy.
11
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Słowno-muzyczne widowisko składankowe jako palimpsest kulturowy – na przykładzie Niech no tylko zakwitną jabłonie Agnieszki Osieckiej

51%
Ignaczak L.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica
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2019
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vol. 52
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issue 1
425-445
EN
This article concerns the concept of a musical spectacle by Agnieszka Osiecka „Niech no tylko zakwitną jabłonie” (Let apple trees blossom) presented in 1964 in the Ateneum Theater in Warsaw. It is concluded that in this spectacle Osiecka continues the aesthetic tradition of Kram z piosenkami (A stall with the songs) by Leon Schiller, who in his music often recalled the history of Poland of the eighteenth/nineteenth century as recorded in songs. Osiecka reconstructs the next historical period, combining documentary material with literature, both interspersed with songs. This results in a special collage, thanks to which the viewer can immerse in the atmosphere of interwar period and compare it with the 20 years after the Second World War. However, in the Osiecka’s approach, it is no longer a matter of Schiller’s sentimental Arkadia, but the stage reality reflecting the truth of historical facts, and at the same time treating them with ironic distance and commenting often through parody and pastiche.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy koncepcji słowno-muzycznego widowiska składankowego autorstwa Agnieszki Osieckiej Niech no tylko zakwitną jabłonie, wystawionego w roku 1964 w Teatrze Ateneum w Warszawie. Ważne wydaje się nawiązanie Osieckiej do estetyki Kramu z piosenkami Leona Schillera, który w wielu swoich widowiskach przypominał historię XVIII / XIX–wiecznej Polski zapisaną w piosenkach. Osiecka rekonstruuje późniejszy niż Schiller okres historyczny, łącząc materiały dokumentalne z literackimi (także tymi słowno-muzycznymi), czego efektem stał się afabularny sceniczny collage, dzięki któremu widz mógł zanurzyć się w atmosferze epoki międzywojennej i dwudziestolecia tuż po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości. W ujęciu Osieckiej to już nie była sentymentalna Schillerowska Arkadia ‒ choć sceniczna rzeczywistość odzwierciedlała prawdziwość historycznych faktów, to jednak autorka traktowała ów świat z ironicznym dystansem, komentując go niejednokrotnie parodystycznie i pastiszowo.
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