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EN
The aim of this article is to analyze so-called Kurdish problem in three countries with important Kurdish minority – Turkey, Iraq and Syria. Roots of the Kurdish issue are very old, we could found them in the mid-nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire. Now between 25 and 35 millions Kurds lives in the Middle East. Article starts with description of the Kurdish population’s (around 15 millions) fate in Turkey – they faced violent opression, but especially under rule of AKP party, also got some degree of recognition. Kurds in Iraq were subjugate to the Arabization process under Baath Party Rule, but then established autonomy in the northern part of country. Situation of Syrian Kurds was partly o shot of the Turkish and Iraqis politics. Last chapter is devoted to the new phenomenom of Sallafist jihadism (Jabhat al-Nusra, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), which gives Kurds in Iraq and Syria new.
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Mobilizacja polityczna irackich jezydów po roku 2003

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EN
Iraqi Yezidis living in the mountainous areas of northern Iraq have been for centuries struggling to survive and preserve their identity. Once mistakenly recognized as worshipers of Satan, they had been sentenced to constant harassment by the Muslim majority. Stubbornly declaring their ethnic and not only religious individuality, they fell into conflict with the majority of the Kurds, with whom they shared the misery of the worst repression during the Baghdad regime. The overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003 significantly activated the Yezidi community. The new political situation in Iraq opened the way for the revival of their culture and sociopolitical integration of their whole community. Since 2005, they have had their representatives not only in local institutions of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, but also in the Iraqi parliament. The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to the changes in the socio‑political situation of the Iraqi Yezidis in the post‑Saddam Iraq.
EN
In this article, we try to identify the impact of the Shia militias in Iraq on the future of this country. We maintain that these armed groups will be a destabilising factor for Iraq and its neighbours, and they will worsen and deepen the sectarian division in the Middle East. We assess these different groups from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly of violence, Ariel Ahram’s model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.
EN
Since the end of World War I, the struggle with Kurdish separatism was a common problem for Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria. Due to the constant struggle and a series of favourable events, currently the most independent of the Kurdish regions is the Region of Kurdistan in Iraq. The countries in the region perceive Kurdish independence, and any questioning of the Sykes-Picot agreement, as a mortal threat to the integrity of their territories. The following article describes and highlights selected security threats in the nascent Kurdish Region in Iraq. These are very complex and have different sources. The work starts with the characterisation of the geographic region of Kurdistan and the region of Kurdistan in Iraq. The next part describes the threat from the PKK, radical Islam and terrorism. An important aspect that generates threats for the Kurdistan Region in Iraq is the relationship with the Central Government in Baghdad. These relations have a negative impact on the economic and social situation in the Kurdistan Region.
EN
Going on a mission undoubtedly constitutes a real threat to the stability of a military family. The fact of being temporarily separated, together with all the related emotional problems, seem to cause a number of dysfunctions in the partners’ relations. The departure of the spouse for a mission is an important social phenomenon which creates a new situation in which the widely acknowledged patterns of family behavior do not guarantee the fulfillment of the family’s needs. Hence, there is a necessity to renegotiate family roles and their scope. In the families of soldiers who go on a mission it is the wife who takes over all the duties and the responsibility for the family’s general wellbeing. They have to face the dull reality: paying the bills, making renovations and bringing up children. When back home, the soldiers take over the man’s responsibilities. From one moment to the next, they have to became fathers, husbands and the heads of their families again. Unfortunately, it is difficult for both spouses to cope with such a situation.
EN
In the Author's opinion, Iraq - under the American occupation or political control - constituted a perfect base or a bridgehead of influences for the United States in the region (with potential sortie base to carry out its own activities, as well as those of allied intelligence agencies, in order to keep under surveillance terrorist groups). Is it possible, that the United States renounced 'altruistically' or 'honourably' such an opportunity, and despite the reports and warnings was surprised with the occurrence of the Islamic State? The Author puts in her study the following research question: "Was conducting a military invasion possible (and whether it is still potentially possible) in such a way, which would have effectively implemented a stable and democratic government in Iraq after taking full political control over it?''
EN
In Summer 2014 Abu Bakr al‑Baghdadi, the leader of the Islamic State of Iraq and Al‑Sham declared a caliphate in Iraq and Syria. By referring to the marketing technique of branding the author analyzes how the caliphate is created in the public space. In this case branding recalls the classical techniques used by Islamists (takfir, fighting bida’), but also means such things as using new information technologies and sophisticated forms of violence. The marking success of caliphate is the bigger that it is innovative, is an Utopia that became real and supports negative Western stereotypes about Islam.
PL
The aim of this study is to provide details about contemporary reality in Iraq and the impact of the American invasion on Iraq and American interests in the ten years since 2003. The analysis of the various source material, including survey results, policy statements, and statistical data reveals that, while the invasion brought gains to both the Iraqis and the Americans, it did so at a great cost. The assessment of the outcome of that invasion is complicated by the fact that contemporary Iraq was influenced by two decades of the rule of Saddam Hussein, who dominated the government and repressed his real and imagined foes. In March 2003 the US hoped for a quick win; however, its troops were to remain in Iraq until December 2011, giving it significant influence throughout this period. While ten years have passed since the invasion, only ten years have passed and that may not be an adequate time frame in which to identify and evaluate gains and losses.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14763
PL
Formal education can be a mechanism for increasing social tolerance, political transparency and cultural integration; thus, a discussion of the relationship between political and social instability and resultant struggle with comprehensive educational reform in Kurdistan is timely. This chapter, written by the two university presidents of the only American-style not-for-profit institutions in Kurdistan/Iraq, narrates the challenges the authors face in bringing high-quality education to a region of the world confronting civil unrest, continual violence and economic turmoil.
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Central European Papers
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2015
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vol. 3
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issue 2
99-110
EN
This study summarises the history of failed state concept, the difficulties of a clear definition of failed state and the reasons why the categories of various linking expressions like weak, fragile, failing, collapsed states are mixing. 2015 remained a turbulent year of conflicts in the world, which drew attention on failed states. One of the symptoms of failed states is the form of forced migration when people leave their home due to intrastate armed conflicts, terrorist activities, brutal violation of human rights, poverty, lack of humanitarian aid and poor public services. The study outlines the connection with security and one of the biggest actual global phenomena, the mass refugee movements. That has become in the focus of the European discourse due to the humanitarian catastrophe in the Mediterranean. The current measurement of instable states is problematic which has strong impact on interventions and aid operations.
EN
Despite the uncertainty about the Peshmerga’s status, western countries besides training and arming the Iraqi Kurds are working with them to reform Peshmerga forces. The aim of this article is to identify and explain some of the barriers for the Regional Security Sector Reform which comes from oil dependence. The author assumed that explaining the historical context of some of the barriers emerging could be helpful during the reform planning process.
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Persecution of Christians

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EN
The situation of Christians in Iraq and Syria has been problematic for many years. The article first deals with the issues of social tensions caused by religious diversity. The repercussions of these conflicts are presented, with an emphasis on the problems of immigration from regions affected by the war. The article then describes the forms of aid provided in Iraq and Syria, with an emphasis on medical and humanitarian aid. The work also includes reports from these places and outlines the problems of Christian clergy in persecuted communities.
EN
In this study, changes in Land Use Land Cover (LULC) have been investigated over the Udhaim River Basin in Iraq by using spectral indices. NDVI, NDBI, NDWI, NDBaI, and CI represent respectively the vegetation, built-up, water bodies, bare-land, and soil crust of LULC. Two different images were acquired for the analysis, namely a Landsat 5 TM image from 1 July 2007 and a Landsat 8 OLI from 5 June 2015, both representing summer conditions. Results show that the percentages of vegetated land and water body areas have decreased. On the contrary, the percentages of built-up, bare land and soil crust areas have increased. The loss of vegetated areas and water body areas is a signal of land degradation leading to desertification, due to the combined effects of climate conditions, water deficit and human activities. Field observation shows that human activities have a significant impact on land degradation.
EN
North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), monthly averages of precipitation in the Baghdad station, and petrologic tracer proxy data for ocean properties in the North Atlantic (NA) have been used in an attempt to identify climatic conditions in Iraq during the study period. The study showed that contemporary changes in precipitation in Iraq are associated with NAO, as a negative relationship is found between them. Moreover, the study found that there is a strong negative correlation between NAOI and SST in NA, where drift ice indices explain between 33–36% of the NAOI variability. The prolonged of cold Holocene periods led to a radical oceanography and atmospheric changes in the NA and the Mediterranean Sea, effectively contributing to the prevalence of cold and drought in the EM, including Iraq. The analysis revealed as many as four intervals of significant cool drought phases prevailing over Iraq during the periods 2650–2500, 2200– 1900,1300–1200 and 1000–850 BC.
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EN
This article explores feminisms and women’s activisms in today’s Iraq and highlights the heterogeneity of both their religious and secular expressions in analysing them in relation to each other rather than as distinct. I argue that not only do we need to go beyond the Islamist/secular dichotomy but we need to analyse what’s in-between these categories. In order to understand their in-betweenness, Iraqi women’s activisms and feminisms have to be examined in their imbricated and complex social, economic and political contexts both discursive and material. I start by refl ecting on conceptual considerations regarding the relationships between feminisms, Muslimness, and Islam(s) and examining notions of piety and morality in contemporary Iraq. Then I explore the context and nature of women’s social and political activisms in Baghdad, Erbil, and Sulaymaniyah and provide an ethnographically informed examination of the different trends of feminisms and women’s political activisms in Iraq and the ways these trends overlap. In doing so I introduce an alternative way of understanding the too often argued secular/Islamist opposition and analyse the relevance and meaning of ‘Islamic/Muslim feminisms’ in the Iraqi context.
EN
This article attempts to answer the question of how much US politicians, in the wake of the Iraqi aggression on Kuwait, were aware of the upcoming events and whether they were able to influence Baghdad politics and create new peaceful solutions. The content of this article is also to convince that it is hard to blame the American ambassador April Glaspie that during a conversation with the Iraqi dictator on July 25 1990, she gave Saddam a ‘green light’ to attack his neighbor. Same position as her, presented a bit later in his letter to Saddam, US president George W. Bush or undersecretary J. Kelly — speaking in the US Congress. To sum up, this article wants to convince the reader that the United States did not have a thought-out, effective and forward-looking policy, not just for Iraq but for the whole Middle East, but seemed to wait for what the course of events would bring while being deeply involved in Europe, where the dismantling of the Soviet Bloc and reunification of Germany took place.
Ethics in Progress
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2019
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vol. 10
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issue 1
94-111
EN
Religion is at the heart of the lacerating conflicts in Iraq and Syria today. In both countries the matter at hand is the fracture between the two main branches of Islam. This fracture escalated into a religious war after the Arab Springs in 2011, even though the violent conflict between Shia and Sunni started in Iraq in 2003, after the American invasion of the ancient Mesopotamia. The reason for both the foreign occupation and the insurrection of the civil society leading to the same chaos is that, in both countries, the State does not raise enough legitimacy to open a public space able to welcome a unitary citizenship. Such a phenomenon calls back to the history of the two states and at the British (Iraq) and French (Syria) establishing mandates of the two institutions, which never succeeded in imposing their legitimacy for most people (Shia in Iraq and Sunni in Syria), left out of the ruling bodies for a long time. The Shia-Kurdish combination, which is the leading force in Iraq since 2003, conducted to the refusal of the Arab Sunni minority to live marginalized and powerless.
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SARS-CoV-2 pandemic as an anomie

61%
EN
SARS-CoV-2 is a pathogenic viral infection that was identified in Wuhan, China, in late 2019. After just a few weeks, further viral infections have also been detected in other countries. In March 2020, the World Health Organization declared a pandemic, and in April 2020, numerous infections and deaths were reported in almost all parts of the world. The dynamic development of this virus infection and the COVID-19 disease caused by it have led to restrictions and new regulations being introduced in almost all countries to halt the exponential growth of infections and protect the health and life of citizens. The most common restrictions are the closure of places of education, culture and work until further notice, breaks in tourist traffic and forced social isolation. The new restrictions make many people fear the possibility of illness and death, economic crisis, and the uncertainty of the future, but they also adopt attitudes of rebellion or rejecting the possibility of danger. Some may try to take advantage of the new circumstances to make money from trading in rare goods. The pandemic, and in particular the experiences and behaviours that accompany it, has led to the disintegration of existing rules within society while introducing new rules that are necessary to achieve new goals: survival, avoidance of infection and maintenance of social order. The research was conducted among students from Poland and Iraq. The aim was to determine different ways of adapting to the anomie (according to Robert Merton’s theory) among students. The research was conducted from the 30th of March to the 16th of April 2020. The research tool, a survey questionnaire, was distributed via the internet. A total of 502 students participated in the survey. The results showed that conformist behaviour is the most common among the respondents, while deviant ways of adaptation to new conditions were noticed only incidentally. Students from Iraq followed rules that can help to reduce the infection more than students from Poland. Medical students much more practised the principles associated with quarantine and personal hygiene than by students of other faculties. Moreover, these principles are more often observed by residents of large cities and rarely by those living in the countryside.
EN
The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?
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