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EN
One of the most significant features of the modern countries in Africa is that an alien educational method was brought there from Europe and was combined with the indigenous African or Islamic educational structures and institutions. The new educational system, described as secular, conflicted especially with those existing systems which were religious in nature. Western education was, however, hard to resist because of all the advantages it contained in terms of preparing Africans for a new economic structure and technology, and the accompanying job opportunities. This led to the following dilemmas: Was it possible to combine the traditional and modern systems of education? Was it possible to modernise without eliminating the religious element of the educational system? These questions summarise the main problematic with which the Muslim scholars of the East African coast were confronted at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century’s. It was the time when the Arab Islamic civilisation provided the ideal model for Muslim practice and conduct as a new European model of life was emerging. And all this was taking place in a particular cultural context, Swahili. Some leaders of the Swahili Islamic community realized that there was no alternative to modifying their traditional system of education and opening it to the modern tendencies. One of these leaders was Sheikh al-Amin b. Ali al-Mazrui. Through his various activities, teaching and writings, he strongly influenced the educational development of Islam in East Africa. This paper presents some aspects of Islamic education in Kenya, where the traditional Islamic concept of education has encountered one of its greatest challenges: modern education. The clash between these two entirely different concepts created some problems and brought into question even fundamental elements of the previous system. Consequently, the mediaeval structure of the Quranic school was modernized and a new form, the madrasa, emerged, this also highlighted the problem of female education, so that, eventually, Muslim girls were allowed to acquire a proper education. The educational problems that arose on the East African coast at the beginning of the past century are reflected in the life activity of Sheikh al-Amin. His legacy and the clash between these two concepts had far-reaching consequences, which continue today. The particular focus of this work concerns aspects of the educational system of the East African coast at the beginning of the twentieth century. This is of great personal interest since the author has had the opportunity of working as a Catholic missionary in various Kenyan schools where he experienced the mission challenges of Islam in Kenya.
EN
This article concerns to the present process of globalization we can observe in Kenya - its political and socio-cultural aspects. Globalization in political dimension, which was beginning with coming colonial era, fructified an adaptation of British state structure too African realities. However, a very complex picture of these multi- ethnic society it wasn't without influence on the state functioning, fixed (strengthened) the traditional patterns of locality in power relation. 0n the other side, the state police tends to building social and political unity of Kenya. Parallel to this process, there become visible in the sphere of culture, specially connected with appearance the new patterns of social communication, consumptions and spending leisure time. Is it the beginning of new identities have emerged on the ground of modernizing society or the picture of "syncretistic society" which have reconciled tradition with the present? These are the questions which the author of this article put.
Afryka
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2017
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issue 45
135-143
EN
One of the essential elements of Kenyan political history is the issue of constitutionalism. From 1963 until 2010, the so-called “Lancaster House Constitution” was in force. It was outdated, repeatedly amended and associated with Jomo Kenyatta’s and Daniel Arap Moi’s authoritarian regimes. In the 1990s, the newly formed and now legal political opposition, leading Kenyan figures and human rights organisations increasingly demanded a democratisation process, an important element of which was meant to be a new Kenyan constitution. The authors of the book discuss this subject matter, which is especially important for the process of Kenyan constitutional reform.
EN
Aim/purpose – The aim of this paper was to establish the nexus between a budget deficit and selected macroeconomic variables in Kenya. This adds to the existing literature while the methodology and choice of the econometric tools used improve the predictability of the link between a budget deficit and macroeconomic variables. The results are relevant to policy makers as they may help improve understanding of budget deficit management. Design/methodology/approach – The study used time series data for the period from 1976 to 2018 and employed the Vector Autoregression model reinforced by the Keynesian Mundell–Fleming framework. Findings – The impulse response function derived from the vector autoregression model revealed that shocks from both interest rate and exchange rate had a positive impact on budget deficit. External debt servicing and current account deficit shocks had a negative impact on the budget deficit. Research implications/limitations – Interest rate and exchange rate policies remain key in reducing the growth of the budget deficit. Policies on external debt servicing, such as timely payment of debts and prudent investment of borrowed funds, will also reduce the budget deficit. Originality/value/contribution – The study employed transmission mechanism which involves multiple equations to establish the nexus between a budget deficit and macroeconomic variables in Kenya.
EN
The purpose of this article is to present the issue of security in the region of East Africa, particularly in Kenya, in view of the development of the phenomenon of Islamic terrorism. In the last two years it killed more than 400 people in this country and the scale of organized attacks is still increasing. In April 2015 Islamic militants from the Somali group al‑Shabaab attacked Garissa University College in northeastern Kenya. This terrorist attack confirmed that Kenyan authorities are not able to control the 700‑kilometre border with Somalia and ensure the security of citizens and tourists visiting the country. The threat of the escalation of acts of terrorism and the spread of violence to other countries in the region are becoming a major challenge to the foreign policy of Kenya and other countries in the region. In this article the author intends to present Kenya’s current actions in the fight against terrorism in Somalia and to assess the involvement of the African Union (AU) and the East African Community (EAC)– in terms of ensuring the regional security and the involvement of players from the region outside (the USA in particular) –in the context of the fight against Islamic terrorism on a global scale. Therefore the aim of the article is to attempt to evaluate the real possibility of providing effective aid to Kenya in the fight against terrorism. Despite the limited access to sources, dealing with this difficult subject of research has been justified by the fact that the awareness of the threat of Islamic terrorism against Kenya becomes necessary for the understanding of different phenomena and processes essential for the security of East African countries, and also for the fight against terrorism worldwide.
Afryka
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2021
|
issue 51/52
111-140
EN
Like the majority of African countries, contemporary Kenya is a mosaic of cultures and languages shaped throughout the centuries. The Akamba discussed in this article live in the Machakos County and are one of the most numerous ethnic groups in Kenya. Amongst the many characteristics of their culture, the ones most relevant to the topic are: collectivism, avoidance of uncertainty, hierarchy, orientation towards the future (long-term orientation), variety of traditionally undertaken tasks. These characteristics of their culture have influence for adaptability to the changing and difficult living conditions: in this case, thanks to the methods of obtaining water and the ways to store and protect it.
EN
This article examines the securitization of political discourse in reinforcing regimes of power in Kenya. It perceives securitized terrorism and counterterrorism discourse as political discourse. The article combines Foucault’s perspectives on discourse, discursive practices and power relations, and aspects of Securitisation Theory, that subjectively construct security threats, as a framework to analyse the securitization of terrorism and counterterrorism discourse and discursive practices in Kenya. The official speeches of key members of Kenya’s National Security Council, which is officially responsible for security matters in the country, form the core data. The arguments raised are that Somalis residing in Kenya are constructed as existential threats to national security in the terrorism and counterterrorism discourse and discursive practices of the members of the National Security Council. The construction is done on the basis of ethnicity, religion and ungoverned spaces. These three are examined as causal factors whose political outcome is the reinforcement of power relations. By securitizing discourse and discursive practices, the state legitimizes its role in implementing and enhancing its capacity to implement coercive norm-violation counterterrorism measures. The state also enhances its capacity to continually modify existing knowledge of terrorism and counterterrorism through communication, further reinforcing discrimination of Somalis in Kenya.
Afryka
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2016
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issue 44
66-84
EN
Political caricature has become a significant cultural text allowing us to deeply understand social emotions connected to the current, significant events. In this article, analyzing Kenyan political satire, I try to define Kenyans’ approach to Barack Obama at the time of his presidency, as well as presenting US and Kenya’s relations during that period. In this article my attempt is to show that Kenyan political caricature is a tool that allows the author to share emotions, judgments and opinions addressed to different social groups. Its main goal is to quickly react to the political events and to comment on them. Due to its simplicity, political caricature has an extensive audience.
Afryka
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2015
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issue 42
124-144
EN
The Nandi tribe resisted European colonisation in Western Kenya until the 1905 when the last British military campaign against them took place. At the beginning of the expedition, the spiritual and religious Nandi leader, orkoiyot Koitalel arap Samoi, was killed by Captain Richard Meinertzhagen. This work describes carefully the three trials which occurred after the accident. On the basis of court proceedings and Meinertzhagen’s diaries, the paper tries to ascertain the most probable course of events and who killed the orkoiyot. Furthermore, the author aims to establish whether Meinertzhagen was acting on his own or received an informal order from the commanders of the campaign. Finally, the article presents the political and military organisation of Nandi, their pre-colonial history and the political role of the orkoiyot in the tribe.
EN
The sociolinguistic context of prolonged language contact in contemporary Kenya should lead to a certain amount of influence of the languages on one another, e.g. through loanwords. The main aim of the present paper was to examine English in Kenya to show what kind of words are borrowed from African languages and their analysis within the framework of the borrowing theories formulated in Tappolet (1913–16), Haugen (1950), Weinreich (1953), Dardano – Trifone (1995), Hock – Joseph (1996), Krefeld (1999) and McColl-Millar (2007). The data for this study come from the International corpus of English for East Africa (ICE-EA).
EN
Aim/purpose – The aim of this study was to estimate the effect of health insurance on Out-of-Pocket (OOP) health care expenditure in Kenya. It is informed by persistence in the challenges of access and utilization of quality and affordable health care services. Previously, researchers have estimated the effects of different forms of health care financing on its demand and shown that affordability not only enhances access and use of health services but also cushions people against adverse financial risks associated with catastrophic health care spending. Design/methodology/approach – The study used the Kenya Household Health Expenditure and Utilization Survey (KHHEUS) 2013 data, and employed the two-part model estimation approach. The sample size considered in the estimation was 6,961 with the unit of analysis being an individual household member. Findings – The overall results of this study showed that having a health insurance cover did not exclude one from using OOP payments. However, the probability of such spending was low for people with insurance compared to those without insurance. Additionally, if any cash was paid for any health care service, having insurance did not have a significant effect on the level of that spending. Research implications/limitations – The findings of this study imply that uptake of health insurance does not fully cushion people from both using cash payments when seeking health services and ramifications of catastrophic health care spending. The study however, encountered challenges of unavailability of more recent data in the KHHEUS series. In addition, the sample size was relatively small to the population after data cleaning. Originality/value/contribution – Potential effect of health insurance on OOP health care payments had not been explored in Kenya. As such, this study filled this gap. In addition, the two-part model estimation technique was also employed with the latest household health survey data.
EN
In 1929-30, British missionaries active in central Kenya sought the help of the British colonial government in banning and eventually eradicating the Gikuyu tradition of female circumcision. This was met by an uproar amongst the Gikuyu population, many of whom protested in the form of the Muthirigu dance song, giving rise to what is known as the ‘female circumcision controversy.’ Contemporary sources demonstrate the numerous contributions to the debate on the issue, including from missionary societies, colonial officials, British women, and Kenyan men, who all incorporated the controversy into their various agendas, be it concern for women’s health on the missionary’s part; anxiety of colonial officials over the impact of circumcision on Kenya’s long-term population growth; worry for their ‘sisters’ by British women Members of Parliament; or concern about Western infringement on Gikuyu traditions on the part of Kenyan men. What is most noticeable is the absence of Kenyan women’s voices in the sources on the matter, in spite of the fact that this was an issue about their own bodies. This article examines the different ways in which Kenyan women’s voices were silenced on the issue, and attempt to retrieve their voices from the sources available. In doing so, the article seeks to demonstrate the general tendency to silence African women in history and in historical epistemology.
EN
Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.
EN
The article examines a logistics chain of Kenya cut flower industry with special emphasis on safety and security issues. The robust growth in this sector of Kenyan economy, important for the EU market, is endangered both because of security problems resulting from Kenya’s domestic political situation, imported terrorism from neighbouring Somalia, and underdevelopment of Kenyan transportation network. The author shows how Kenyan flower farmers try to overcome those obstacles. The research is based on field visit to Kongoni River Farm in central Kenya.
EN
This study aimed to establish the effect of cash dividend announcement on share price reaction of the firms listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange (NSE). This study used Event Study methodology with purely secondary drawn data from 24 firms listed on the NSE who meet the study threshold with an event window of eleven (11) days during the year 2008-2013. The study adopted the descriptive research design and sampling de-sign being purposive. STATA version SE12 was used to produce a descriptive analysis. The findings indicate that the share price reaction to dividend announcement is posi-tive for a dividend increase and negative for dividend decrease and constant for the constant dividend. The study therefore recommends that the effect of the dividend on the firm’s share price is very crucial for not only the literature but also for the regula-tion and supervision of the capital market and that further development of accounting standards, increased auditing skills, and advances in investor education will likely make dividends even more important in the future. Following these findings, it would be useful to also consider the following directions for future research on whether there is any joint effect of cash dividend, bonus issues, and right issues on the share price of firms listed on NSE.
Afryka
|
2021
|
issue 51/52
141-160
EN
The article presents Wangari Muta Maathai’s lifetime achievements and her involvement in the environmental protection in Kenya (1977–2011). The analysis of the Green Belt Movement seeks answers to the questions concerning African grassroots movements and their opportunities in the field of natural environment conservation, including safe access to potable water sources. The organisation initiated by Wangari Muta Maathai has been promoting the idea of tree planting in order to maintain sustainable ecosystem, which also concerns the crucial issue of sufficient clean water resources. The main source book used in this article is Maathai’s autobiography that is supported by individual observations of Magdalena Dębowska, gained during numerous visits in Kenya in the following years: 2007, 2008, 2010, 2011–2012.
PL
Tematem artykułu jest współpraca Stanów Zjednoczonych z Kenią w obszarze bezpieczeństwa w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. We wprowadzeniu przedstawiono założenia metodologiczne artykułu oraz syntetyczne tło historyczne. Pierwsza część artykułu obejmuje ramy teoretyczne. Druga część przedstawia wzrost strategicznego zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych w Afryce, w tym w Afryce Wschodniej, w XXI wieku. W trzeciej części omówiono wspólne wysiłki Stanów Zjednoczonych i Kenii w walce z terroryzmem i piractwem. Czwarta część poświęcona jest szkoleniom i pomocy rozwojowej dla kenijskiego sektora bezpieczeństwa. Rozważania prowadzone są w ramach postkolonialnego nurtu teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Podczas badań skorzystano z metody analizy źródeł tekstowych. Główna teza artykułu zakłada, że chociaż Afryka, w tym Kenia, nie były szczególnie ważnymi obszarami strategicznego zainteresowania Stanów Zjednoczonych, to kraje te miały istotne wspólne interesy bezpieczeństwa i podejmowały współpracę w celu ich realizacji. Przede wszystkim dotyczyło to przeciwdziałania międzynarodowemu terroryzmowi, ale także ogólnej stabilizacji Afryki Wschodniej. W przyszłości znaczenie Afryki Wschodniej w polityce amerykańskiej powinno systematycznie rosnąć, zarówno w sferze gospodarczej, jak i bezpieczeństwa, co pociągnie za sobą dalsze zacieśnianie współpracy między USA a Kenią.
EN
The subject of the paper is the cooperation of the United States with Kenya in the area of security in the second decade of the 21st century. The introduction contains the methodological assumptions of the paper and a synthetic historical background. The first section of the paper covers the theoretical framework. The second section outlines the increase of the United States’ strategic involvement in Africa, including East Africa, in the 21st century. The third section discusses the joint efforts of the US and Kenya in combating terrorism and piracy. The fourth section is devoted to US training and development assistance for the Kenyan security sector. The considerations are carried out within the framework of the postcolonial current of the theory of international relations. During the research, the method of analyzing text sources was used. The main thesis of the paper assumes that although Africa, including Kenya, was not a particularly important area of strategic interest of the United States, these countries had significant common security interests and undertook cooperation to implement them. First of all, it concerned counteracting international terrorism, but also the general stabilization of East Africa. In the future, the importance of East Africa in American politics might systematically increase, both in the area of economy and security, which will entail further strengthening of cooperation between the US and Kenya.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest współpraca handlowa między Wielką Brytanią i Kenią w kontekście wyjścia Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej. W artykule scharakteryzowano współpracę handlową Wielkiej Brytanii i Kenii oraz omówiono tendencje istniejące w zakresie tej współpracy w ostatnich latach. Przedstawiono główne zagrożenia dla tej współpracy jakie niesie za sobą Brexit, wskazano działania jakie muszą zrealizować państwa, aby przeciwdziałać negatywnym następstwom Brexitu oraz przedstawiono szanse jakie potencjalnie daje Brexit dla pszerzenia współpracy handlowej między państwami. Ponadto zarysowano zmianę klimatu politycznego jaka nastąpiła między państwami w ostatnich latach, co ma znaczny wpływ na realizację współpracy gospodarczej, w tym wymianę handlową. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena wyzwań stojących przed państwami w kontekście Brexitu, które muszą one przezwyciężyć dla utrzymania i pogłębienia współpracy handlowej. Głównym problemem badawczym jest pytanie, czy Brexit spowoduje osłabnięcie czy dynamizację stosunków handlowych między Wielką Brytanią i Kenią? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że Brexit powoduje dużą niepewność co do przyszłości współpracy handlowej między Wielką Brytanią i Kenią. Daje on jednak szansę na dynamizację tej współpracy, a Kenia może stać się modelowym partnerem dla Zjednoczonego Królestwa w ramach promowanej przez Londyn koncepcji „Global Britain”. Pozytywne tendencje rozwojowe Kenii sprawiają, że staje się ona coraz bardziej atrakcyjnym partnerem handlowym dla Wielkiej Brytanii. Kenia natomiast chce wykorzystać sytuację poszukiwania przez Zjednoczone Królestwo partnerów handlowych spoza Unii Europejskiej.
EN
The subject of the article is trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya in the context of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union. The article characterizes the commercial cooperation of Great Britain and Kenya and discusses the trends existing in this field in recent years. The main threats to this cooperation that Brexit brings are presented, as well as the actions that states must implement to counteract the negative consequences of Brexit and the opportunities that Brexit potentially gives to deepening trade cooperation between countries. In addition, the political climate change that has occurred between countries in recent years, which has a significant impact on the implementation of economic cooperation, including trade, has been outlined. The purpose of the article is to present and evaluate the challenges that the countries face in the context of Brexit, which they must overcome in order to maintain and deepen trade cooperation. The main research problem is whether Brexit will weaken or accelerate trade relations between Great Britain and Kenya? The main hypothesis of the article is that Brexit causes great uncertainty about the future of trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya. However, it gives the opportunity to dynamize this cooperation, and Kenya can become a model partner for the United Kingdom within the concept of „Global Britain” promoted by London. Kenya’s positive development trends make it an increasingly attractive trading partner for Great Britain. However, Kenya wants to take advantage of the UK’s search for trading partners outside the European Union.
EN
The paper aims to analyse and evaluate cooperation between the United Kingdom and Kenya in the defense and security areas in the second decade of the 21st century. The analysis is conducted in the light of the theory of postcolonialism. The research uses the method of analyzing text sources. The paper begins with an introduction synthetically describing the transition of British-Kenyan relations from colonial to postcolonial, and the main methodological assumptions of the paper. Then the theoretical assumptions of postcolonialism are presented. The next three sections include: the circumstances of cooperation in the fields of defense and security; Military cooperation to restore peace in Somalia; and The United Kingdom programs to enhance peace and security in Kenya and East Africa. The paper ends with a conclusion. The main research questions are: Was the defence and security cooperation during the recent decade a continuation of the status quo or was there something different about it? If there was something different, what caused the change? Are there prospects for strengthening the cooperation in the future? Over the past decade, the United Kingdom has strengthened cooperation with Kenya in the areas of defense and security. The actions of the British were aimed at strengthening Kenya's military potential and its ability to influence the international environment. The United Kingdom's increased involvement in Kenya was driven by internal, bilateral and international factors. Kenya also expressed its readiness to strengthen this cooperation, guided by its own interests.
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2021
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vol. 19
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issue 1
5-24
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the results of the analysis and evaluation of the economic policy of the People's Republic of China towards Kenya in the second decade of the 21st century. The introduction discusses the basic methodological assumptions of the paper. The first section of the paper synthetically outlines the historical background of economic relations between Kenya and the PRC, and the second section presents a field-specific literature review. The third section of the paper presents Kenya as one of China's economic partners in Africa. The main section of the paper analyses investments and development projects implemented in Kenya by Chinese companies. The core research problem concerns the question whether China's economic policy towards Kenya is beneficial from the point of view of the economic development of the countries involved? The main thesis assumes that this policy increases the development opportunities of all the states. However, it is unsustainable and carries serious risks, especially for Kenya's economic security.
PL
Celem artykułu jest prezentacja wyników analizy i ocena polityki gospodarczej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec Kenii w drugiej dekadzie XXI w. We wstępie omówiono podstawowe założenia metodologiczne artykułu. W pierwszej części artykułu syntetycznie przedstawiono tło historyczne stosunków gospodarczych między Kenią a ChRL, a w drugiej części zaprezentowano przegląd literatury przedmiotu. W trzeciej części artykułu ukazano Kenię jako jednego z partnerów gospodarczych Chin w Afryce. W głównej części artykułu przeanalizowano inwestycje i projekty rozwojowe realizowane w Kenii przez chińskie przedsiębiorstwa. Problem badawczy polega na tym, czy polityka gospodarcza Chin wobec Kenii jest korzystna z punktu widzenia rozwoju gospodarczego państw? Główna teza zakłada, że polityka ta zwiększa możliwości rozwojowe państw. Jest ona jednak niezrównoważona i niesie ze sobą poważne ryzyko, zwłaszcza dla bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego Kenii.
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