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Chrześcijanin a dobra materialne w refleksji szkoły aleksandryjskiej: od Klemensa do Dydyma

100%

Pancerz R. M.

Vox Patrum

2012

vol. 57

483-493

The article presents how three great Alexandrian writers (Clemens, Origen and Didymus the Blind) estimated possession of material wealth. The first of them in Quis dives salvetur? assures Alexandria’s rich Christians that they also can achieve salvation, although under certain circumstances. Clemens explains Jesus’ words to the rich young man: „Sell everything you have, and give to the poor” (Mk 10, 21) allegorically. This order means that the wealthy should remove from the heart attachment to material goods and extirpate all passions which are bound up with them. The author wonders rhetorically: Who will help the poor, if we all will be devoid of material goods? Clemens regards earthly riches as things which are in themselves indifferent (adiafora). Christians should use them in moderation and for God’s glory. Besides, they must look for the poor and help them. Origen, in his turn, first interprets literally the pericope of the rich young man (Mt 19, 16-26). Considering the question from the ascetic perspective, the great writer thinks that it’s impossible to reconcile riches with Christian perfection. Origen accepts also the allegorical interpretation, according to which „possessions” symbolize evil passions and deeds. However to him such explanation seems to be overdone. Besides, in his opinion, the man who didn’t give up his riches, will never be able to free himself from evil passions. Therefore, according to Origen, it’s hard for the wealthy to achieve salvation. That will be possible only thanks to God’s omnipotence. So Origen’s words could infuse worry and uncertainty into the rich. Didymus, the last teacher of the Alexandrian school, following the Stoics and Clemens, defines material goods as adiafora. He adds also that these aren’t goods in the proper sense. Moreover, the author admits that riches are a secondary gift of God. Obviously they are that, if one uses them as far as they are necessary. But the most important aspect is that Didymus emphasizes resolutely a positive potential of material wealth. By means of it one may help other people, including for example the support of the sage. Riches if used right – asserts the author following the Platonic and Aristotelian tradition – can contribute to moral virtue of their owner. This way material goods become an instrument through which one may merit eternal life. Surely with such rhetoric Didymus could impress the rich. We must admit that his stance was due to the historical context as well, since Christianity became in the IV century the official state religion. Its new condition certainly contributed to a more mature look at social and economic questions.

Praktyki postne w wybranych relacjach pisarzy kościelnych greckich i łacińskich I-III wieku

84%

Kasprzak D. A.

Vox Patrum

2020

vol. 74

7-28

The practice of religious fasting in the first three centuries of Christianity seems to have been culturally conditioned. Christian individual fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays was most likely a borrowing from the practice of the Essenes of Qumran (see Didache), as opposed to the individual fasting practiced observed by Pharisees. At that time Christians fasted in a similar way as Jews did, i.e., before the Christian Passover – from the sunrise of the previous day (Thursday) to the sunset of the next day (Friday). The Jewish and Christian post-1st-century traditions seem to coincide in increasing the number of fasting days, which was motivated in both religious traditions by apocalyptic revelations. As for the divergence in the fasting traditions, the Pharisaic Jews would fast on Mondays and Thursdays without food and drink from sunrise to sunset of those days. On the other hand, Christians would fast on Wednesdays and Fridays merely living on bread and water, from sunrise to three o'clock. In the texts written by Alexandrian Christians of the turn of the third century, we find a synthesis of the Christian tradition of fasting and the ascetic and dietary philosophies of the Stoic and Platonic philosophy. Alexandrian writers laid more emphasis on temperance as a virtue and a diet as a choice rather than on religious fasting as such. On the other hand, in the Montanistic practices of two-week xerophagy we find the origin of a longer, fortnights’ fast before the Christian Passover. Until the third century, the Catholic Church called the two fasting days directly preceding Easter “Great Fast”. Up to the third century, official fasting was prescribed relatively seldom in the Church (before baptism and for two days before Passover). Individual fasting was practiced on Wednesdays and Fridays. It seems that longer fasting times were recognized in the Church up to the third century as a manifestation of false revelations or heresies.

Praktyka postu religijnego w chrześcijaństwie w pierwszych trzech wiekach wydaje się być uwarunkowana kulturowo. Chrześcijański post w środy i piątki był najprawdopodobniej zapożyczeniem z praktyki Esseńczyków z Qumran (patrz Didache), w przeciwieństwie do indywidualnego postu faryzeuszy. W tym czasie chrześcijanie pościli podobnie jak Żydzi, tzn. przed chrześcijańską Paschą - od wschodu słońca poprzedniego dnia (czwartek) do zachodu słońca następnego dnia (piątek). Wydaje się, że tradycja żydowska i chrześcijańska w pierwszym wieku zbiegają się w praktyce zwiększania liczby dni postu, co motywowano w obu tradycjach apokaliptycznymi objawieniami. Jeśli chodzi o rozbieżności w tradycjach postnych, to faryzejscy Żydzi mogli przez cały dzień pościć w poniedziałki i czwartki bez jedzenia i picia od wschodu do zachodu słońca w tych dniach. Z drugiej strony chrześcijanie mogli praktykować post w środy i piątki na chlebie i wodzie, od wschodu do trzeciej. W tekstach chrześcijan aleksandryjskich z przełomu drugiego i trzeciego wieku znajdujemy syntezę praktyki chrześcijańskiej ze zwyczajami ascetycznymi i dietetycznymi filozofii stoickiej i platońskiej. Aleksandryjscy pisarze wskazywali bardziej na umiarkowanie jako cnotę i dietę jako wybór niż na post religijny jako taki. Natomiast w montanistycznych praktykach dwutygodniowej kserofagii możemy odnaleźć początek dłuższego, dwutygodniowego postu przed chrześcijańską Paschą. Kościół katolicki aż do trzeciego wieku, nazwał Wielkim Postem zwyczaj poszczenia dwa dni bezpośrednio przed Wielkanocą. Do trzeciego wieku włącznie w Kościele formalny post był postulowany stosunkowo rzadko (przed chrztem i dwa dni przed Paschą). Indywidualny post był praktykowany w środy i piątki. Wydaje się też, że dłuższy post był uznawany w Kościele aż do trzeciego wieku jako przejaw fałszywych objawień lub herezji.

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Chrześcijanin a dobra materialne w refleksji szkoły aleksandryjskiej: od Klemensa do Dydyma

Praktyki postne w wybranych relacjach pisarzy kościelnych greckich i łacińskich I-III wieku