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EN
In this paper, we discuss terrorism as an adversity to global security, with special emphasis on Kosovo. The presented data shows that today, terrorism poses a risk to more than half of the world's population. Although a small country, Kosovo, has not been left out of this negative societal phenomenon. More specifically, according to international reports, the threat and danger to Kosovo from Islamic extremism has increased; it is supported and partially funded by foreign organisations that propagate extremist ideology and violent extremist groups which use social networks in a very active way to propagate and recruit their followers. The data in this paper confirms that more than 400 Kosovar men, women, and children have travelled to areas of armed conflict in Syria and Iraq, having been recruited to fight for violent extremist groups. Therefore, the clear policies of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo addressed here suggest the government is aware of the seriousness of this threat which it is determined to prevent and combat this phenomenon by taking concrete steps in areas such as: legislative measures; mechanisms and planning for the prevention of and combat against terrorism as well as being proactive in the fight against terrorism.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to show that consumer surplus for Kosovo’s expected mandatory health insurance fund do not follow a normal distribution. It shows the rationale used in obtaining the initial aggregate consumer surplus, the development Surplus-to-Exploitation, and Potential Entry Threshold indicators. It also provides the logic behind individualized data set which is used in normality testing. Normality is achieved through a Johnson Transformation; with Anderson-Darling test statistic being used to test this claim.
EN
This paper provides an analysis of the returns for education in Kosovo using data from a Household and Labour Force Survey. We argue that given the high unemployment rate in Kosovo, employed individuals may not be randomly selected from the labour force. Therefore, the estimates of the rates of returns for education based on the standard Mincerian earnings function may be biased downwards. Hence, the Heckman sample selection model is implemented, which adjusts the estimates of the wage equation for the self-selection of individuals into employment. We estimate the rate of returns for level of education and for years of education. We find relatively low rates of returns for education in terms of wage premia and argue that in countries with chronic labour market disequilibria (such as in Kosovo), the returns for education may be in terms of employment premia. To our knowledge, this is the first systematic study of these issues in this post-socialist and post-conflict economy.
EN
The aim of this paper is presenting the situation of the labor market in the European Union after the crisis in 2008 and the comparison of the labor market situation in Kosovo in 2014. In the light of modern economic crisis, it is worth to analyze the development of the situation on the labor markets in the EU and in selected countries of the world since 2008. This allows to examine changes in the level of employment under the influence of both the dynamics of the recession and the antirecession policies used. The level of unemployment is closely linked to the dynamics of GDP. Recorded in the EU and in other countries of the world, increase of the unemployment rate from 2008 confirms the strong interdependence of these indicators. To sum up the situation on the European labor market, it is worth noting that the progressive process of increasing the flexibility of the labor market favors the competitiveness of the economies of the European Union. This does not mean, however, that as a result of the changes observed do not appear negative effects (e.g. Spain). It therefore appears necessary to further reduce barriers to movement of labor and services within the European Union and the use clearly positive experiences of labor market reforms.
EN
On February 17, 2008 the Assembly of Kosovo adopted the text of unilateral declaration that proclaimed Kosovo as “an independent, sovereign and democratic country” 1. The declaration of independence enacted by Kosovo has instantaneously gained its numerous supporters, as well as opponents. The problem of Kosovo's final status is a crucial issue for the stability on the Balkan Peninsula. Other entities claim that the legitimacy of recognition or nonrecognition pf an independent Kosovar state is motivated, on the one hand, by compliance with international law standards and on the other hand by states’ own individual interests in the international arena.
EN
This article shows Serbia’s road to the European Union, mainly Serbian’s problems. First problem was a cooperation with International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia with was solved in 2011 and Serbia meantime could ratify the Stabilisation and Association Agreement and put forward an official proposal of membership in the European Union. Second and the biggest problem is now relations with Kosovo. In 2011 mostly under European Union’s infl uence Serbia had started negotiations with Kosovo but meantime did not agree with its indpendence. However the progress in cooperation with Kosovo made possible to start negotiations with the European Union and ratification of Agreement and now open two negotiation’s chapters. Currently government with a strong Serbian society support wants cooperate with the European Union because in this they see correct way of Serbia’s transformation. Serbian prime minister Aleksandar Vučić is planning to fi nish all negotiations by end of 2018 and become a member in 2020.
EN
The issue of how legal arrangements pertaining to the international status of a political or administrative unit can influence the construction of the national identity is rarely addressed in the existing scholarship on ethnicity, nation and nationalism. Classical studies imply that nationalistically-prone political and cultural elites continuously strive to assemble all members of an alleged “nation” into one political unit. This, in turn, causes struggle for autonomy, independence, irredentism, secession, or, in the case of pan-nationalism, territorial expansion. It is also presupposed that real (if it can be the case), conceived, or constructed common ancestry of the members of a “nation” motivates nationalists to demand elevation of the nation’s status in the international arena, i.e. the recognition of autonomy and independence. However, the relationship between nation-building by means of constructed history and existing international personality is more complex. It can be the reverse. As the Kosovo case reveals, sometimes the existing international status of an administrative unit built upon ethnic principle determines the nation-building process, namely its historical side. Since 1945, the views of Kosovar elites regarding the ethnic origins of their constituents varied according to the political status of the region. As the later was evolving, Kosovar intellectuals and politicians differently saw ethnic roots of Kosovar Albanians. At first they considered this issue unimportant, but later “revealed” all-Albanian Illyrian (independently of tribal groups) roots and finally embraced Dardanian provenance.
EN
Kosovo, the smallest country in Europe, over 10 years after declaring its independence, still remains outside of the European Union. As one of the countries of former Yugoslavia, it benefitted from the process of European integration, yet compared to neighbouring Western Balkan countries it is at an early stage of stabilisation and association process. The paper points to the main problems that Kosovo is facing, both at the internal and external level, in the face of the accession process and future membership in the European Union.
EN
The proclamation of independence of Kosovo, although expected, had a destabilizing impact on the international situation. International community had various opinions on the decision of Kosovo authorities. Numerous conditions in "uenced the positions of individual countries. Countries acknowledging independence of Kosovo, that is some EU countries and the United States, recognized the proclamation of independence of Kosovo as a final stage of the Yugoslavia’s break-up with the basis for peaceful cooperation on the Balkans. Whereas, countries opposing the secession of Kosovo found it against the international law. They perceived this act as an example of western countries’ dominance and feared that it would form a dangerous precedent threatening international stability and security.
EN
The article raises the issue of normative policy pursued by the European Union towards Kosovo. The article’s main thesis states that the EU’s normative policy towards Kosovo is ineffective, causes ethnical and cultural hegemony of Kosovo, violates the deepest foundations of international order on which the European Union has been trying to build its external policy for decades and impairs the existing image of the UE as a force acting for the good of the world (force for good). The EU, which builds up its international position as a normative power and rejects the logic of domination and power (realist power) is especially exposed to the dangerous consequences of disregard for the principles of international law and ethical rules. The situation becomes even more risky when it is the EU that becomes one of the main actors undermining the attempts to build an order based on law and values.
EN
Regarding the effectiveness of privatization, two schools of thought are distinguished: a school in favor of privatization in general and a school that judges the success of privatization to be dependent on the institutional context. This article discusses the arguments of both schools and presents a case study on the privatization processes that did take place in Kosovo. The Kosovo case is a critical case as Kosovo was a post-conflict country with a deplorable institutional setting at the time it initiated the privatization processes. If privatization was successful anyway, this would make for a strong argument in favor of privatization in general. The outcomes of the case study show, however, many unintended and negative effects of privatization in the Kosovo context. The conclusion, therefore, disputes the claim that privatization is beneficial in general, irrespective of the institutional setting. Instead, the article makes a plea for creating a favorable institutional setting before starting far-reaching transformations through large-scale privatization. The issues arising from this article are important for policy-makers and international missions considering implementing similar programs to other post-conflict countries.
EN
The subject of the article is an analysis of the EULEX Kosovo mission’s role, as an example of international cooperation in combating the organized crime in the area of former ethnic conflict. The above mentioned mission is considered as one of the most important acts of realization of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, and it has been playing both important and positive role in term of combating organized crime, which belongs to the crucial problems hindering the normalization of situation in Kosovo. The analysis being carried out shows that the presence of international entities in this country is still required for mini mizing the threat from the organized crime.
EN
This article examines the case for viewing the conflicts that took place in Yugoslavia between 1991 and 1999 through Huntington’s civilisational paradigm, whereby conflict is the inevitable result of the existence of “cleft states” such as Yugoslavia, which lay on the fault line of Western, Orthodox and Islamic civilisations and was therefore predisposed to civilisational conflict. This article argues instead that divisions in Yugoslavia were national, rather than civilisational and fomented by a wider, more nuanced range of factors which are not taken into account by Huntington.
EN
In 1999 the NATO intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia took place. During 78 days NATO bombed Yugoslavia in order to halt Slobodan Milosevic’s policy against Albanians living in Kosovo. By the end of the intervention, more than 850 000 people from Kosovo had become refugees. They predominantly spread across the Balkan states but some of them also were taken outside the region – to Germany, Turkey, Norway, Italy, Canada, the US and to Poland as well. The aim of this paper is to investigate the situation of Kosovo refugees in Poland in 1999. I begin by explaining the situation of people living in Kosovo during the NATO intervention. Next, I will present the issue of refugees in Polish law at the time of the Kosovo crisis. After that, I will also examine the attitude of Poles towards these refugees. What is more, understanding the official narrative about them is crucial in explaining the country’s policy too. Finally, I will summarize my paper with some conclusions regarding the need for further research.
EN
This paper examines the concept of human rights and security in post-conflict areas in the context of international missions, the process of building a human rights, based on security, and the securement of sustainable peace aims. In Kosovo, the responsibility of the international community to respect human rights have resulted in violations that has seriously put peace and security at risk between Kosovan ethnic groups after 1999. Thus, this article explains how human rights violations continued to be a security threat for Kosovo for two decades until 2008.
FR
L’objectif de cet article est, d’une part, de fournir un aperçu du cadre du droit de la concurrence au Kosovo en ce qui concerne la constitution de l’Autorité de la concurrence du Kosovo («l’Autorité»), sa conception institutionnelle ainsi que les critères de sélection des membres de la Commission au sein de l’Autorité, qui constitue l’organe décisionnel le plus important dans le domaine du droit de la concurrence au Kosovo. D’autre part, il présente certaines des défis auxquels l’Autorité ainsi que les tribunaux sont confrontés en ce qui concerne l’application effective des dispositions du droit de la concurrence au Kosovo. En outre, les trois seules affaires décidées par l’Autorité, depuis sa création en 2008, sont brièvement abordées. Enfin, l’article tente de contextualiser le rôle de l’UE dans la promulgation et l’application du droit de la concurrence dans les pays de l’Europe du Sud-Est, avec un accent particulier sur le Kosovo. En l’absence d’une perspective européenne sur ces pays, l’auteur pense que le contexte qui en résulterait du point de vue de la compétitivité changerait radicalement en l’absence d’efforts sérieux de la part des États.
EN
The aim of this article is, on the one hand, to provide an overview of the competition law framework in Kosovo vis-á-vis the establishment of the Kosovo Competition Authority (hereinafter; the Authority), its institutional design as well as the criteria for becoming a member of the Commission within the Authority, which is the most important decision-making body in the field of competition law in Kosovo. On the other hand, it discusses some of the challenges the Authority as well as the courts are facing as regards the effective enforcement of competition law provisions in Kosovo, be it procedural or substantive. In addition, the only three cases decided by the Authority, since its establishment in 2008, are briefly discussed. Last but not least, it tries to contextualise the role of the EU concerning enacting as well as enforcing competition law in some of the South East Europe (hereinafter; SEE) countries, with the main focus placed on Kosovo. Without the European perspective, it is convincing to say that the picture that would result from a competitiveness viewpoint would change dramatically, although the EU’s efforts alone are not sufficient in the absence of serious efforts by the states themselves.
EN
Competition law is an area which links the economy with the law and is very important for the functioning of a free market economy. Anti-competitive agreements, along with the abuse of dominance and concentrations of undertakings, are the subject matter of the Law on the Protection of Competition (LPC) of the Republic of Kosovo. Anti-competitive agreements can be horizontal or vertical in nature. The following paper deals with agreements and other multilateral practices prohibited under Kosovo’s Law on the Protection of Competition. The LPC explicitly states also specific circumstances where the prohibition does not apply – these are covered by the so called 'exceptions and allowances' section of the LPC. In this respect, the LPC has incorporated the entirety of the principles covered by Article 101 TFEU. The insurance market of the Republic of Kosovo was analyzed in the context of this case study, which has all the features of an oligopoly including: a limited number of participating firms, product standardization, interdependence in controlling prices and, difficulty of new market entry. From this perspective, the insurance market is highly problematic as far as violations of the provisions of the law dealing with anti-competitive agreements are concerned. The analysis is conducted based on the enforcement measures undertaken by the Kosovo Competition Authority and reviewed by the judiciary of the Republic of Kosovo. Taking into consideration that Kosovo is a young country facing special transitional challenges and aiming to become a member of the European Union, much needed reforms are to take place still. The aim of this analysis is thus to contribute to further development of competition law in Kosovo through the analysis of current market situation, domestic legislation and its compliance with EU rules.
FR
L’article suivant concerne des accords et des pratiques interdites par la loi sur la protection de la concurrence du Kosovo. La loi mentionnée ci-dessus prévoit également circonstances atténuantes exceptionnelles pour l'application des dispositions concernant les accords anticoncurrentiels. À cet égard, la loi sur la protection de la concurrence a incorporé les principes de l'article 101 du Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne. Dans ce contexte, l’article analyse le marché de l’assurance dans la République du Kosovo, qui possède toutes les caractéristiques d'oligopole, y compris le nombre limité d'entreprises, la normalisation des produits, l'interdépendance dans le contrôle des prix et les difficultés de nouvelles entreprises qui entrent le marché. Dans cette perspective, le marché de l'assurance est très problématique en termes de violation des dispositions concernant les accords anticoncurrentiels. L'analyse est effectuée à la base de sanctions introduits par l’Autorité de la concurrence de Kosovo, ainsi que par la Cour de la République du Kosovo. En prenant en compte que le Kosovo est un pays jeune, avec des défis pour la transition, qui a pour son objectif de devenir un membre de l’Union européenne, certains réformes doivent être mises en oeuvre. En effet, le but de l’article est de donner la contribution pour les développements de la loi de la concurrence au Kosovo, par l'analyse de la situation actuelle du marché, de la législation nationale et de sa cohérence avec des règles du droit de l’Union européenne.
EN
Confronting recent history: Serbia’s ‘fateful eight’ and a decade of Kosovo’s independence in the Serbian Media (2008–2018)Serbia’s latest “fateful eight” – from the 1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, to the student protests of 1968 – is by far the declaration of independence of its former southernmost province, Kosovo, in 2008. Having in mind that the Kosovo myth – much debated in scholarly circles – is a key instance in understanding Serbia’s nationalism ever since its inception in the nineteenth century, a strong discourse negating Kosovo’s independence has been promulgated by the media. Through the lens of media content analysis, the author tackles the Kosovo-related rhetoric within the media in Serbia’s recent history, from the declaration of Kosovo’s independence, to 2018. Stawiając czoła najnowszej historii: serbska „przełomowa ósemka” i dekada niepodległości Kosowa w serbskich mediach (2008–2018)Najnowszą z serbskich „przełomowych ósemek” – po utworzeniu Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców w roku 1918 i protestach studenckich w roku 1968 – jest bez wątpienia ogłoszenie niepodległości przez byłą południową prowincję Serbii, Kosowo, w 2008 roku. Ponieważ mit kosowski – wciąż będący przedmiotem dyskusji w kręgach akademickich – pozostaje kluczowy dla zrozumienia serbskiego nacjonalizmu już od chwili jego narodzin w dziewiętnastym wieku, media forsowały dyskurs wyraźnie przeciwny niepodległości Kosowa. Korzystając z metod analizy treści, autor przygląda się w tekście retoryce serbskich mediów dotyczącej Kosowa, od chwili ogłoszenia przez nie niepodległości w 2008 roku do roku 2018.
EN
This paper examines the Albanian state–nation constellation in the Balkans in the light of the European Union (EU) integration process with a focus on citizenship configurations in Kosovo and Albania. It addresses an important puzzle: why legal norms of citizenship do not follow the emerging practice of stronger trans-border co-operation in the Albanian ethnic and cultural space. The study shows that the process of EU integration is the key to understanding and explaining this puzzle, for it provides an opportunity for ‘constructive ambiguity’ around which both ethnic and statist brands of Albanian nationalism, as well as various elite fractions, can coalesce and coexist. In a wider context, Albanian citizenship configurations are shaped by the ever-evolving complex relationship between nation, state and Europe.
EN
The Balkans are one of the main stages of the so-called Cold War 2.0 between the United States and the Russo-Chinese axis, but, to a greater extent, they are also an important battlefront of the broader great power competition, a hegemonic confrontation fought by a number of European and non-European powers and only partly tied to the aforementioned Cold War 2.0. Just like in the past, the Balkans keep being the powder keg of Europe, but this time, due to a combination of historical events and demographic changes, the veridical beating heart of the region is no longer Serbia, it’s a rising geopolitical order based on and centered on Albania: the Eagles’ Belt.
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