Search results

1

‘Honour’-Based Violence: Moving towards Action in Iraqi Kurdistan

100%

Begikhani N., Hague G., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

|

issue 2 (5)

PL

The paper presents a discussion of ‘honour’-based violence, followed by the methods, findings and recommendations. Using a gender perspective, it places particular emphasis on the ideas for action on honour-based violence emerging from the research. It is based on activism and attempts to enable social change for women.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

2

Kinematografia w Kurdystanie. Obraz Kurdów w filmach Bahmana Ghobadiego

100%

Szymczak J.

Studia Azjatystyczne

|

2015

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issue 1

133-151

PL

Cinematography can be used as a weapon in the battle for identity. Kurdish people are in a constant need to reinvent their national identity. Some of them use cinema as a tool to tell their stories in order not to be forgotten. One of them – a critically acclaimed director from Iran, Bahman Ghobadi is known especially for his cinematic contribution to the Kurdish issue. The article briefly depicts the history of Kurdish cinema and describes in detail the image of Kurds in Bahman Ghobadi's first four feature films - A Time for Drunken Horses (2000), Marooned in Iraq (2002), Turtles Can Fly (2004) and Halfmoon (2006). All these films are not only great pieces of art, full of symbolic images, but they also contain a complex image of the Kurdish nation. Ghobadi uses his camera to tell stories of small, local communities displaced between Iran, Iraq and Turkey, who struggle to maintain their own culture and dignity.

3

Creating a New Healthcare System in the Middle East: the Case of Private Healthcare Providers in Kurdistan

100%

Qadir D.

|

2017

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vol. 16

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issue 40

113-126

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main goal of this explorative study is to investigate the public perception of private healthcare providers in Kurdistan region in Iraq. Moreover, the research aims to test the questionnaire and research technique (face-to-face) interviews in terms of their usefulness and adequacy for a further representative survey, which is planned in the upcoming years. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem is to analyze patients’ perception and satisfaction from healthcare services offered by private hospitals in Kurdistan region of Iraq. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Developing countries have an increasing difficulty in providing cheap and effective healthcare sector for the entire society. In this regard, the autonomous regions like Kurdistan are in a doublydisadvantaged position, as they have to overcome the problems of poor infrastructure, while designing a new health system, at the same time struggling with military conflict with ISIL. RESEARCH RESULT: The research result show surprising gaps in public knowledge about the private hospitals and their healthcare service quality. The study finds, among other, that the easiest way to improve patients’ satisfaction is to improve hygiene and cleaning standards in private hospitals. Although these findings are purely explorative, they should be taken into the account when designing a research project which should produce representative, reliable findings for the entire region. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATION AND RECOMMENDATIONS: As there is no alternative to increase of the role of private providers in Kurdistan region, the regional authorities should monitor the quality of healthcare services offered by both public and private providers to ensure a reasonable standard of healthcare system. Thus, the further studies on healthcare market in Kurdistan should include comparisons between private and public providers.

4

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INSTABILITY AND THE RELATIONSHIP TO EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN KURDISTAN

88%

Mulnix M. W., Mulnix E. E., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2017

|

issue 1

PL

Formal education can be a mechanism for increasing social tolerance, political transparency and cultural integration; thus, a discussion of the relationship between political and social instability and resultant struggle with comprehensive educational reform in Kurdistan is timely. This chapter, written by the two university presidents of the only American-style not-for-profit institutions in Kurdistan/Iraq, narrates the challenges the authors face in bringing high-quality education to a region of the world confronting civil unrest, continual violence and economic turmoil.

5

Status of Kurds in Iraq in terms of constitutional law and national identity

88%

Štulajter M.

Journal of Modern Science

|

2018

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issue 3(38)

267-280

EN

Recently, with regard to the Middle East, Slovak and foreign media have focused on the situation in Syria. However, equally important is political development in Iraqi Kurdistan in which plebiscite in September 2017 showed that almost 90 percent of Kurds request independent Iraqi Kurdistan. According to many indicators and claims by geopolitical analysts, the conflict between Baghdad central government and Iraqi Kurds is growing and will escalate, what will lead to an increase of Iraqi Kurdish struggles to establish a state independent of Iraq. Our study, however, wants to point out to the fact that there are also opposing trends indicating of continual centralization of Iraq and the Kurdistan integration into the Iraqi state. Based on this analysis we criticize the thesis of American geopolitical theorists such as R. Peters the emergence of an independent Kurdistan.

6

An Historical Overview to the Kurdish Problem

75%

Gunter M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2013

|

issue 2 (5)

PL

This article presents an overview of the history the largest nation in the world without its own independent state. Nationalist aspirations of an approximately 30 million Kurds living within the borders of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria remain a factor of instability in the geostrategically important Middle East, especially due to the fact that Kurds inhabit areas with strategically important resources. The desire of many Kurds for statehood, or at least cultural autonomy, has led to an almost continuous series of Kurdish revolts since the creation of the modern Middle East state system following World War I. The Kurdish problem refers to the fear of the states in which the Kurds live that Kurdish demands will threaten and even destroy their territorial integrity, even though, as the author points out, the Kurds themselves are notoriously divided geographically, politically, linguistically, and tribally. The article is divided into parts, which are devoted to the origin of the Kurdish nation, as well as the history and the current situation of Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Europe (the European diaspora).Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

7

CYTADELA MIASTA ERBIL – STOLICY IRACKIEGO KURDYSTANU – „ŻYWA HISTORIA” OD WIEKÓW

75%

Gardy D.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula

|

2017

|

issue 53(2) Architektura

44-56

PL

Miasto Erbil (Hawler)1 to obecnie stolica Autonomicznego Regionu Kurdystanu Irackiego, licząca ponad 1,5 mln mieszkańców. Stare Miasto, a dokładnie jego Cytadela pochodzi sprzed ponad 6000 lat p.n.e.2. Stare Miasto jest dowodem istnienia i funkcjonowania cywilizacji od wieków. Było nieprzerwanie zamieszkiwane od kilku tysięcy lat. Stanowi przykład „żywej historii kultury”. Z punktu widzenia kształtowania architektury zawiera wiele ciekawych rozwiązań, będących dowodem rozwoju architektonicznego miasta oraz potwierdzającego, w jaki sposób sytuacje geopolityczne wpływały na architekturę i urbanistykę miasta. Przekształcenia te są przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu.

EN

The City of Erbil (Hawler) is currently the capital of the Autonomous Region of Iraqi Kurdistan, with over 1.5 million inhabitants. The Old City and specifically its Citadel date back to more than 6000 years B.C. The Old City is an evidence of the existence for centuries of the functioning civilization. It has been continuously inhabited for several thousand years and has served as an example of ‘living cultural history’ for generations. As regards the shaping of its architecture, it comprises many interesting aspects, providing evidence of the architectural development of the city and confirming how the geopolitical situation influenced its architecture and urban planning. These transformations are the subject of this article.

8

Identity Representations: How Did the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Kurdish Folk Music?

75%

Prévost L.

Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology

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2021

|

issue 21

75-92

EN

The following paper constitutes a part of my master thesis on the consequences of the 1979 Iranian Revolution on Kurdish folk music. The strong identity claimed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and particularly by Ruhollah Khomeini led to an obscuration of the Iranian cultural plurality, dominated by the Persian culture. Iranian music is often understood as Persian music while regional genres were confined to small areas. The domination of folk and regional identities by institutional, more-erudite identities is not limited to Iran but can be observed worldwide; however, the restricted access to music and research in the years following the Iranian Revolution enhanced this tendency in the country. In other words, vernacular genres including Kurdish folk music were denied a global presence and are still overshadowed by the dominance of classical music. Academic works made shortly after the revolution by important figures such as Jean During highlights a confusion between what was intended as folk music by the Kurdish population and what was perceived as such by foreign researchers. For this reason, the distinction between vernacular and classical music is still enforced nowadays, leading to an increasing gap between Persian culture and that of Iranian minorities. Furthermore, with Kurdish folk music being a regional genre and as political conflicts arouse between Iranian Kurds the Islamic Republic of Iran after 1979, Kurdish music is often perceived through a political lens only, denying the variety of reasons a genre may become popular and reducing music to a mean towards an objective. Through the perception of Kurdish folk music, this paper interrogates how political conflicts and cultural hegemony in music affects the representation of vernacular identities and seeks to explore how this participates in the discrimination of minorities.

9

Szanse Kurdów na niepodległe państwo

63%

Giedz M.

Border and Regional Studies

|

2016

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vol. 4

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issue 1

123-145

PL

Kurdowie, jeden z najstarszych narodów świata, żyjący w „kolebce” zachodniej cywilizacji, na styku trzech głównych monoteistycznych religii, szacowany na około 50 milionów osób, nie posiada własnej państwowości. Poza 11 miesięcznym incydentem funkcjonowania Republiki Mahabadzkiej, utworzonej w 1946 r., Kurdowie nigdy suwerenności nie uzyskali. Exodus Kurdów z północnego Iraku i ludobójstwo dokonane przez wojska Saddama Husajna wiosną 1991 r., doprowadziło jesienią tegoż roku, do utworzenia, na mocy 688 rezolucji RB ONZ, strefy bezpieczeństwa, która przerodziła się w nieformalną, kurdyjską autonomię w północnym Iraku. Od tego czasu rozpoczęło się powolne, przerwane wojną domową, budowanie struktur państwowości. Po amerykańskiej inwazji na Irak (2003) i obaleniu rządów partii Baas iraccy Kurdowie, na mocy konstytucji z 2005 r., uzyskali prawnie usankcjonowaną autonomię. Powstanie Państwa Islamskiego, które brutalnie rozprawia się z ludnością chrześcijańską jezydzką, a także Kurdami muzułmanami oraz przybycie do Regionu Kurdystanu prawie 2-milionowej rzeszy uchodźców stało się zagrożeniem dla owej autonomii. Kurdowie uznali, że z irackimi Arabami nie da się tworzyć demokratycznego państwa. Zaczęli coraz częściej nie tylko myśleć, ale i mówić o suwerenności. Jednak w prawie międzynarodowym występuje zasada poszanowania integralności terytorialnej. Ościenne państwa, jak Iran, Turcja, czy Syria nie są zainteresowane powstaniem państwa kurdyjskiego w Iraku, bo na swoich terytoriach mają spore grupy mniejszości kurdyjskiej, które też myślą o samodzielności. USA - największe mocarstwo optuje za nierozerwalnością Iraku, aczkolwiek gros kongresmenów amerykańskich ma odmienne w tej kwestii zdanie od prezydenta.

EN

The Kurds, there is one of the oldest nation in the world, with rich culture, living on the crossroads of the Middle East, in the „cradle” of the western civilization, within three major monotheistic religions. The Kurds are estimated at about 50 million people, does not have its own statehood. Besides the 11-month incident of the Republic of Mahabad, founded in 1946, in the territory of the north-eastern Iran, They have never received sovereignty. The exodus of Kurds from northern Iraq and the genocide perpetrated by the army of Saddam Hussein, what happened in the spring of 1991 led, in the fall of that year, to the creation of a security zone, by act of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 688, which turned into an informal Kurdish autonomy in the north Iraq. Building structures of statehood, slow, interrupted by civil war, began from that time. The American invasion in 2003 and overthrow of the rule of the Baath party, under the Constitution of 2005, the Iraqi Kurds obtained legally sanctioned autonomy. The creation of an Islamic state, that use violence against the Christian population and Yazidis, as well as the Muslims Kurds, and the arrival of more than 2 million refugees into the Kurdistan Region, it has become a threat for theri autonomy. For the Kurds it became apparent that the Iraqi Arabs is impossible to create a democratic state. They began to not only think but also talk more and more about sovereignty. In addition, there is a principle in international law for respect for territorial integrity. Neighboring countries like Iran, Turkey, and Syria are not interested in the creation of a Kurdish state in Iraq, because their territories are quite a group of the Kurdish minority, who are also thinking about independence. USA - the largest power opts for the indissolubility of Iraq, however the bulk of US congressmen has a different opinion on this issue from the president.

10

Settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan: an assessment halfway into the project

63%

Koliński R.

Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean

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2017

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vol. 26(1)

579-590

EN

The objectives of the “Settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan” project include the identification and recording of archaeological sites and other heritage monuments across an area of more than 3000 km2 located on both banks of the Greater Zab river, north of Erbil. A full survey of the western bank was carried out over three field seasons, in 2013, 2014 and 2015 (leaving the Erbil/Haūler province to be studied in the next two seasons). To date, at least 147 archaeological sites dating from the early Neolithic Hassuna culture to late Ottoman times have been registered. Moreover, the project documented 39 architectural monuments, as well as the oldest rock reliefs in Mesopotamia dating from the mid 3rd millennium BC, located in the village of Gūnduk. Altogether 91 caves and rock shelters were visited in search of Paleolithic and Pre-Pottery Neolithic remains. The paper is an interim assessment of the results halfway into the project, showing the trends and illuminating gaps in the current knowledge.

11

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

63%

Jomma F.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2018

|

vol. 2018(2)

201-227

PL

This paper attempts to analyse independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds. It considers issues of legal solutions used by Kurds in regard to institution of referendum. The paper analyses problems which hindered cooperation between Kurdistan Regional Government and Federal Government of Iraq. Moreover it highlights uniqueness of the region in lights of Iraqi constitutional solutions from 2005. The author puts forward a thesis that convening a referendum in 2017 was too hasty and refers to international opinion being a reaction to independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds. Przedmiotem niniejszej analizy są dążenia niepodległościowe Kurdów irackich. Rozważaniom zostały poddane kwestie dotyczące rozwiązań prawnych związanych z wykorzystaniem przez Kurdów instytucji referendum. W artykule przeanalizowano problemy utrudniające współpracę między rządem Regionu Irackiego Kurdystanu a rządem federalnym Republiki Iraku. Uwypuklono także wyjątkowość tego regionu z perspektywy rozwiązań konstytucyjnych przyjętych w Iraku w 2005 r. W artykule postawiono tezę, że zorganizowanie głosowania ludowego w 2017 r. przez Kurdów było działaniem zbyt pochopnym. Odwołano się w nim także do międzynarodowej opinii, w tym europejskiej, będącej reakcją na dążenia niepodległościowe irackich Kurdów.

12

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

63%

Jomma F.

Przegląd Europejski

|

2018

|

issue 2(48)

201-227

PL

Przedmiotem niniejszej analizy są dążenia niepodległościowe Kurdów irackich. Rozważaniom poddane zostały kwestie dotyczące rozwiązań prawnych związanych z wykorzystaniem przez Kurdów instytucji referendum. W artykule przeanalizowano problemy utrudniające współpracę między rządem Regionu Irackiego Kurdystanu i rządem federalnym Republiki Iraku. Uwypuklono także wyjątkowość tego regionu z perspektywy rozwiązań konstytucyjnych przyjętych w Iraku w 2005 roku. W artykule postawiono tezę, że zorganizowanie głosowania ludowego w 2017 roku przez Kurdów było działaniem zbyt pochopnym. Odwołano się w nim także do międzynarodowej opinii, w tym europejskiej, będącej reakcją na dążenia niepodległościowe irackich Kurdów.

EN

This paper attempts to analyse independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds. It considers issues of legal solutions used by Kurds in regard to institution of referendum. The paper analyses problems which hindered cooperation between Kurdistan Regional Government and Federal Government of Iraq. Moreover it highlights uniqueness of the region in lights of Iraqi constitutional solutions from 2005. The author puts forward a thesis that convening a referendum in 2017 was too hasty and refers to international opinion being a reaction to independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds.

13

Federalne państwo irackie rozwiązaniem problemów etnicznych i wyznaniowych na przykładzie Kurdystanu

63%

Zangana A.

Studia Orientalne

|

2021

|

issue 1(19)

27-42

RU

Федерализм является единственным из многих политических решений для ситуации в иракском государстве. Хотя бы потому, что это было наиболее часто используемое политическое решение в мире. В основном используется в мультикультурных странах. Сложная политическая и административная ситуация вынуждает искать политический компромисс, который найдет свое оправдание и правовую основу в конституции данной страны. Федеральная система кажется своего рода компромиссом. С другой стороны, российская модель, в данном случае Дагестан, может быть использована в качестве примера для Иракского Курдистана. Вновь созданному, в начале двадцатого века, иракскому государству приходилась часть курдского региона, и одновременно планировалось создание курдского государства. Проблемы не давали о себе забыть. Все больше обострялись национальные проблемы. Вторая фаза иракской проблемы возникла после падения режима Саддама Хусейна. В многопрофильной стране возникла проблема не только национального, но и религиозного характера. Российская модель во главе с Дагестаном может оказаться успешной в Ираке. Об этом говорят как этнические, так и религиозные сходства.

EN

Federalism is one of many political solutions to the situation in the Iraqi state. The reason is that it was a political solution most frequently used in the world. It was applied mainly in multicultural countries. The complex political and administrative situation compels to look for a political compromise that will find justification and legal basis in the constitution of a given country. The federal system appears to be the compromise. Meanwhile, the Russian model can be used as an example for Iraqi Kurdistan, particularly in the case of Dagestan. In the early twentieth century, the newly established Iraqi state incorporated a part of the Kurdish region, while at the same time there were plans to create the Kurdish state. The difficulties would not let up. Problems related to nationality were becoming more acute. The second phase of the Iraqi problem arose after the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime. A diversified country was beginning to face a problem not only on national, but also religious grounds. The Russian model, predominantly exemplified by Dagestan, could prove successful in Iraq. Both ethnic and religious similarities speak for it.

14

Kurdowie we współczesnych społecznościach Bliskiego Wschodu

62%

Giedz M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2014

|

issue 1

283-298

EN

The Middle East is a region characterized by huge diversity in terms of religion and ethnicity, as well as nationality. In this Middle Eastern melting pot of societies the Kurds stand out as a nation estimated at 45 million people who were ignored until the tragedy that occurred in the spring of 1991. Before the American intervention in Iraq, the Kurds in all four countries in which they happened to live, were treated as second class citizens. 2003 was a breakthrough, marking the beginning of the Kurds being perceived as a nation which has a right to self-determination. The events after 2003 led to the bizarre situation, in which a marginal population became an important partner on the international political arena. In Iraq the Kurds play the role of a catalyst among discordant Muslim groups. In the context of the „Arab Spring” and events in Syria, they are a bargaining card for the Turkish and Syrian governments, but simultaneously the Kurds are entrusted with integration activities. An extremely interesting situation has arisen. This formerly humiliated community has started to become a respected nation which is able to resolve conflicts in the Middle East.

PL

Bliski Wschód jest regionem charakteryzującym się ogromną różnorodnością zarówno religijną, narodowościowąjak i etniczną. W tym bliskowschodnim tyglu społeczeństw wyróżniają się Kurdowie, szacowany na 45 milionów osób naród, który do tragedii, jaka rozegrała się wiosną 1991 r. był niezauważalny. Do amerykańskiej interwencji na Irak, Kurdowie we wszystkich czterech krajach, w których przyszło im mieszkać, byli traktowani jako obywatele 2-giej kategorii. Momentem przełomowym stał się rok 2003, kiedy to Kurdów zaczęto postrzegać jako naród, który ma prawo do samostanowienia. Wydarzenia po 2003 r. doprowadziły do kuriozalnej sytuacji, w której ludność z marginesu staje się ważnym partnerem na międzynarodowej scenie politycznej. W Iraku Kurdowie pełnią funkcję katalizatora pomiędzy zwaśnionymi, muzułmańskimi grupami. W kontekście „Arabskiej Wiosny” i wydarzeń w Syrii, stanowią dla rządów Turcji i Syrii kartę przetargową, ale jednocześnie to im powierza się działania integracyjne. Tworzy się niezwykle interesująca sytuacja. Dotychczas poniżana społeczność staje się poważanym narodem, który może mieć wpływ na rozwiązanie konfliktów na Bliskim Wschodzie.

15

Proměna hlavních stabilizačních prvků jezídského náboženství v odlišných geografických oblastech

51%

Kokaisl P., Budil I.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

|

2022

|

vol. 109

|

issue 3

329-350

EN

The paper shows that the stabilizing and anti-assimilationist elements of the Yazidi religion in Yazidi groups differ quite markedly by cultural- -geographical units, i.e., – between Yazdis in Iraqi Kurdistan, Caucasian and Central Asian Yazidis, and also those in Western European diasporas. By means of examples from the main elements of the Yazidi religion, the article highlights their different social and religious stabilizing functions. The individual religious elements (and their functions) that Yazidis consider important vary quite significantly not only over time but particularly over geographical space. Those religious elements and injunctions (e.g., emphasis on marriage rules) that can significantly stabilize Yazidi society in Iraqi Kurdistan can, conversely, just as significantly destabilize Yazidi society in the diaspora (especially in Western Europe).

CS

Příspěvek ukazuje, že stabilizační a antiasimilační prvky jezídského náboženství v jezídských skupinách se poměrně výrazně odlišují podle kulturně-geografických jednotek – v iráckém Kurdistánu, mezi kavkazskými, případně středoasijskými Jezídy a Jezídy v západoevropských diasporách. Článek poukazuje prostřednictvím příkladů z hlavních prvků jezídského náboženství na jejich odlišnou společenskou i náboženskou stabilizační funkci. Jednotlivé náboženské prvky (a jejich funkce), které Jezídi považují za důležité, se poměrně výrazně proměňuje nejen v čase, ale především v geografickém prostoru. Tytéž náboženské prvky a příkazy (například důraz na pravidla uzavírání manželství), které mohou jezídskou společnost výrazně stabilizovat v iráckém Kurdistánu, naopak jezídskou společnost v diaspoře (zejména v západní Evropě) mohou stejně výrazně destabilizovat.

Refine search results

‘Honour’-Based Violence: Moving towards Action in Iraqi Kurdistan

Kinematografia w Kurdystanie. Obraz Kurdów w filmach Bahmana Ghobadiego

Creating a New Healthcare System in the Middle East: the Case of Private Healthcare Providers in Kurdistan

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INSTABILITY AND THE RELATIONSHIP TO EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN KURDISTAN

Status of Kurds in Iraq in terms of constitutional law and national identity

An Historical Overview to the Kurdish Problem

CYTADELA MIASTA ERBIL – STOLICY IRACKIEGO KURDYSTANU – „ŻYWA HISTORIA” OD WIEKÓW

Identity Representations: How Did the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Kurdish Folk Music?

Szanse Kurdów na niepodległe państwo

Settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan: an assessment halfway into the project

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

Federalne państwo irackie rozwiązaniem problemów etnicznych i wyznaniowych na przykładzie Kurdystanu

Kurdowie we współczesnych społecznościach Bliskiego Wschodu

Proměna hlavních stabilizačních prvků jezídského náboženství v odlišných geografických oblastech