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EN
Father Professor Józef Franciszek Emanuel Innocenty Maria Bocheński, OP, cannot be excluded from the ranks of the most prominent Polish experts on Marxist philosophy and sovietologists. He was both a thinker and a “human institution,” a person of clearly anti-Communist views, who devoted the better part of his life to a multi-faceted struggle against totalitarianism. Phenomenon, which was the personality, activity and thought of Father Józef Maria Bocheński, cannot be understood by concentrating only on part of his achievements and interests. In order to understand his importance as an extremely significant point of resistance against every totalitarian doctrine, we have to look at Father Innocenty in the most comprehensive way possible. In my opinion, his opposition against totalitarianism not only possessed a purely intellectual dimension but was also intrinsically connected with his personality. The whole way of life and thinking of Bocheński was saturated with the notion of liberty, both in individual and communal context. His aversion towards every attempt at enslavement had strong foundations, probably deriving from the period of his childhood. That is why, in order to grasp what is most important for Bocheński, we should remember almost every aspect of his activities and interests; all of them carried an immense anti-totalitarian message. Apart from his philosophical and popularizing achievements, the organizational activity and the very personality of the monk also remains of crucial importance. His eccentric behavior is to this day recollected with sentiment by pupils of Professor Bocheński (and not only by them). The upbringing in Polish culture was the keystone of pro-liberty attitude and diverse endeavors of Józef Maria Bocheński. Polish culture became a major foundation of the anti-totalitarian attitude of Polish logician.
EN
Equality, liberty, tolerance and open society are the most important democratic ideals and rules, which guarantee respect for human dignity, the basis of the natural and unalienable low. This values are the main democratic principle and breaking them means that the regime can not be fully realized. As a result of this values certain risk appears, which is not directly undermining the democratic basis, but defining its quality. Although noticing these demons does not create fast changes, it might has meaning for the democratic development as an idea, which is not an eternal system, but a process taking, which takes under consideration human morality development. Equality guarantees the value of human life, what is more it might provoke diversity disappear and change pluralism for homogenic system. Liberty guarantees respect for the individualism and individual choices but if it is interpreted as a right for a good choices it can produce a despotism. Tolerance is a not precise term what makes describing the limits of its use difficult. Open society which is a consequence of applying the three mentioned rules is vulnerable to risk coming from the lack of acceptation for its values. Democracy as a system of values depends on making the values principle. How far realizing and enforcing the basic democratic values is possible stays an open question.
EN
At a time of discussions on the Constitution of the European Union, it is worth returning to philosophical reflections on European man and his Christian roots. An example of such reflections is the thinking of Jacques Maritain. The French Neo-Thomist yearns to go beyond fragmentary truths bestowed on us by the natural sciences supported by the activities of the Positivists. His search is directed toward the freedom, immortality and spirituality of the human 'I'. For Maritain, what are essential are three concepts of man, Greek, Judaeic and Christian. The achievement of the Greeks and Romans was the placing of man within the framework of the material world. The Christian concept, however, defines the coexistence of the material and spiritual dimensions of human existence. Corporeality leads man to the material world and brings it about that he might be described in part by means of the categories appropriate to that world. However, acting in the world demands the existence of the person. The non-material subject becomes the centre of spiritual activity, capable of existing in a non-material way. Compared with nature, a person is an autonomous, self-contained spiritual existence which is distinguished by rationality and freedom. An undeniable fundament of freedom is rationality. Free will is turned toward good and complete freedom is unattainable without love, Christian love of God and neighbour. In this way Maritain's humanism becomes the humanism of Theocentricism, for it intercedes for man in relation to God, in both the ontological and the axiological dimensions
EN
In Sartre's own words, we are 'thrown into liberty' (nous sommes jetés dans la liberté) or condemened to freedom (condamnés a la liberté). These phrases indicate that freedom can be experienced as burden or penance. First the authoress reviews opinions on liberty expressed by Descartes and Kant. Then she contrasts them with the conception worked out by Sartre, who emphasizes that freedom is something more than the power to choose. It is also an obligation to view oneself as a differentiating and discriminating subject called upon to assign meaning and value to different situations in the world. By taking up this task human individuals create in nature a whole new world of purposes and ends. If, however, they fail to execute this responsibility, they slide back into the status of passive and irresponsible parts of nature.
EN
The French Revolution was undoubtedly the most important political experience in the life of young Hegel and it had a great impact on his later philosophical system. One of the main ideas of the Revolution: the liberty became one of the main notions of his philosophy of history. He considered the Revolution an universal history event and a manifestation of the activity of the 'Weltgeist'. Thanks to the Revolution it was possible to destroy the alienated state of the 'Ancien Régime' and to build a new one founded on the basis of the reason. However, destructive forces of the Revolution were at the same time its advantage and its greatest danger. The liberty degenerated into the 'absolute liberty', which led to the terror. Notwithstanding this ambiguity of the Revolution Hegel perceived it as a necessary stage in the historical process of realization of freedom, in which France at the moment bore the palm.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2013
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vol. 68
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issue 2
105 – 113
EN
Locke’s concept of liberty has been widely discussed since its first publication. The debates focused mainly on the issues such as the free will, the compatibility/incompatibility problem, the motivation and liberty, the theory of suspension or the relationship between liberty and morality. The paper tries to explain Locke’s concept of liberty in its unity, showing its basic structure. It is argued that despite numerous ambiguities and obscurities its basic constituents can be identified proceeding from the abstract to the concrete and the most advanced. Thus we get the hierarchy of Locke’s concepts of liberty ranging from its abstract concept through its empirical and rational concepts up to its Christian-moral concept.
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EN
The problems dealt in this study are problems of political philosophy and practice. Some new theoretical proposals as well as some interpretations of political doctrines of the past are developed in the study. The study is analytical in character and is devoted to definition and elaboration of theoretical ideas, most especially the one of two conceptions of unity. The study consists of the concept of two traditions in political thinking, conversational turn, egalitarianism (epistemological, moral and political), and the idea of agonistic democracy. These ideas are supplemented here by distinction between two concept of unity, inter-passivity, and the idea of the constitutive role of antagonism for (our understanding of) human nature, society and politics.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2021
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vol. 76
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issue 2
110 – 124
EN
Berlin’s division of liberty into its positive and negative variants is usually mentioned as a point of reference in the debates about freedom. However, I consider as more fundamental the difference between liberal freedom and freedom based on responsible relations with other people and the surrounding world. In other words, I question the meaning of freedom, which - with a reference to the conception of Ladislav Hejdánek, proponent of the Czech practical philosophy – I do not consider to be an elimination of various life bonds, but instead their acceptance, fulfilment, or improvement. However, such binding freedom can also find its “allies” in liberalism – namely in the so-called liberalism of fear (B. Williams, J. Shklar), which is surprisingly close to Hejdánek’s conception and represents at least one of the contemporary currents of liberalism, able to unite with a seemingly opposing tradition. In addition to introducing Hejdánek’s conception of freedom, the aim of the paper is also to outline this connection.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2006
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vol. 61
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issue 7
511-519
EN
This essay is devoted to a critical analysis of the theory of power of Thomas Hobbes, as he presented it especially in his masterpiece, Leviathan (1651). Considering new contributions to this theme (M. Weber, B. Russell, C. W. Mills, A. Goldman, S. Lukes, etc.), author strives to explicate Hobbes' ideas by means of such concepts as desire, interest, causation, as well as the right of nature and liberty. Special attention is being paid to the question of social contract and sovereign power, in which author sees a danger of a totalitarian grip on power.
Asian and African Studies
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2022
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vol. 31
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issue 1
183 – 213
EN
This paper discusses the thought of Zhang Shenfu, one of the central figures behind the propagation of modern science and dialectical materialism in Republican China (1911 – 1949). In particular, it focuses on the notions of liberty, mathematical logic and humaneness (ren 仁) in his writings in the period between the year of the May Fourth events (1919) and the late 1930s. The main aim of the analysis is to cast some light on the common conceptual and methodological features which underlay these interpretations, in order to reveal the essentially Chinese cultural “perception” or traditional worldview that served Zhang as the prism through which he viewed and understood the nature of and the relationships between all these “novel” concepts from the West. Consequently, an important aim of this paper will be to highlight a specific fragment of the intellectual mechanism that conditioned the so-called Chinese intellectual modernisation of the Republican period.
EN
The European politicians from Central Europe use a very strange definition of liberalism. This strange definition leaves out the idea of equal opportunities – one of the two liberal principles. This omission is one of the results brought by the radical liberalism. Radical liberals protect liberty so strongly that they refuse any equality. They are afraid of the propensity to the totalitarianism so they refuse almost all state interventions. Radical liberals forget that an absolute refusing of the equality leads to breaking of one of the liberal principles. Liberty without equal opportunity leads to the same illiberal situation as equality without individual liberty. Both of the liberal principles must be preserved if we want to live in a liberal society. Contemporary liberals should find a solution to unite the liberal principles.
EN
One of the key problems of our time is how much security we want, what price we are willing to pay to feel safe and whether safety leads to satisfaction. Security has a financial and political cost. The article focuses on the relationship between security and privacy from the point of view of a citizen. It examines Czech and Slovak citizen attitudes toward the use of strong prevention security measures in a situation where the government suspects a terrorist attack or security threats in general. We focus on the Czech Republic and Slovakia, two countries that do not have much experience with a severe threat to security, so security is more about pre-emptive measures and general consideration. Data from the two latest ISSP Role of Government modules (IV. and V.) are employed to analyse the degree to which citizens in both countries accept security measures and what are the determinants of their acceptance. We find that a mixture of the low level of trust and a high level of perceived corruption foster sceptical attitudes towards the use of strong security measures. Citizens are less willing to have their personal freedom limited if they do not trust their government. Populists and radical right harness mistrust and fear of immigration to strengthen their issue-ownership on law and order, promising more security but often seeking to limit the freedoms and individual liberties. In this context, the search for the balance between security and liberty has a new urgency and should receive more comparative attention in the future.
EN
The main aim of the text is the presentation of Albert Camus’ concept of rebellion. The French thinker’s theory of rebellion is not so simple as it appears at first sight. His language is full of metaphors and ambiguities; it has rather literary form than philosophical structure. That’s why Camus’ texts are not easy to interpret, especially his Rebellious Man. The article shows that a fundamental enemy of a human rebellion (that is of man who disagrees with pain and injustice in the world) is the idea of history, especially as it is seen by Hegel and hegelians. Hegel’s concept of history grasps human beings as subordinated or dominated by historical processes, and that way history deprives man of freedom. In opposition to that, for Camus the most importance values are freedom of existence and human solidarity; whereby men are able to create true community.
Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej
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2013
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vol. 12
83-96 (część -2)
EN
The author explains the motto of the current pastoral year – ‘To Be the Salt of the Earth’ in the context of the challenges the Year of the Faith poses for the faithful, especially priests and catechists. The author points out two tasks the motto contains. The i rst one is adding taste to life through preaching and witnessing the Gospel. The second one is preservation of the values rooted in the world by Christianity, but fought today, especially the protection of life, family and celebrating Sunday.
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