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EN
This paper analyzes Czech double diminutives ending in '-ecek' created by the recursive application of the suffix '-ek' whose initial vowel alternates with zero. Diachronically speaking, these diminutives display both patterns of V-zero alternations found in Slavic languages: in OCz they follow the Havlik pattern, where alternants are in complementary distribution ('domocek'), while in MoCz they follow the Lower pattern, where strong alternants (i.e. vowels) are always preceded by strong alternants ('domecek'). The analysis of the Havlik-to-Lower change presented follows Rubach's (1984) classical analysis where the Lower pattern is derived from the cyclic application of the Lower rule which means that only the Lower pattern has internal phase structure. The author argues that in the Lower pattern, all floating vowels in a row (except the final one) vocalize, because each is immediately followed by an empty nucleus which stands at the phase boundary. Furthermore, phasehood is a lexical property, i.e. a property of a particular lexical item, namely the diminutve suffix '-ek'. From this perspective, the Havlik-to-Lower change consists in a change in the properties of the lexicon: only in MoCz is the suffix '-ek' lexically specified as a phase-trigger, in OCz it did not trigger any phase.
EN
(Title in Czech - 'Jak prehlednout jeden druheho: pribeh alternaci vokalu s nulou ve slovanskych jazycich a ve fonologii rizeni'). The classical generative analysis of modern Slavic vowel-zero alternations crucially relies on so-called abstract vowels, the yers. Yers and the mechanism that controls their vocalization, Lower, have been introduced in order to reduce the disjunction in closed syllables and in open syllables if the following vowel alternates with zero to a non-disjunctive phonological reality. The author refers to this disjunction as the yer context. In this article, he shows that the distribution and function of the abstract vowels in question is identical with that of empty nuclei in Government Phonology. A prominent feature of this theory is the extensive use of empty nuclei. His goal was to show that certain generative phonologists used the same concept long before Government Phonology came into being, and for entirely independent reasons, yet without giving any theoretical status to the abstract vowels in question. Government Phonology in turn ignored the Slavic evidence and its analysis when proposing empty nuclei. If this turns out to be true, the idea that syllable structure bears a sizeable number of empty nuclei will be strengthened in a corresponding manner.
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