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EN
This paper reports on the recent revival of the Lemko Association (Lemko Soyuz) in North America, under the auspices of the Carpathian Institute, a US federal and Connecticut state recognized tax-exempt, non-profit, non-political, non-sectarian educational corporation. The Lemko Association, founded in 1929, had become essentially defunct by the end of 2009. Beginning in 2010, however, in a new location and new legal status it has been revived, publishing a quarterly, “Karpatska Rus’”, books, pamphlets and flags and arranging for lectures.
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The paper is an edition of 11 letters and 6 postcards sent by Izydor Kopernicki to Seweryn Udziela in years 1887–1891, stored in S. Udziela Etnographic Museum in Cracow.
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Тото, што ся лишыло

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The article presents how (and if) the displacement action of 1947 influenced the young generation of people of Lemko origin (called the grandsons of the Operation ‘Vistula’). The authors cite the statements of representatives of various Lemko identity options – Lemkos who grew up in families cultivating traditions and retaining the language, a half-Lemko whose one parent is of Lemko origin, but this is not a fact of importance to her identity, regained Lemkos whose parents are Lemkos, but they did not raise them in Lemko traditions and language, a Lemko who knows about her origins, intergenerational transmission has not been interrupted in her family, but this is not a dominant issue for her identity, and also a Carpatho-Rusyn activist whose family is not a victim of the Operation ‘Vistula’, but sees it as a community experience, important for the broadly understood Carpatho-Rusyn identity. On the basis of answers to the questions about how they learned about the Operation ‘Vistula’, what their parents or grandparents told them about it, do they feel that it had or still has an impact to their lives, the authors show that the complicated attitudes toward Lemko identity are the result of the Operation ‘Vistula’.
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Operation ‘Vistula’, conducted in Poland under Communist rule in 1947, was undertaken to displace a population, defined by the authorities as Ukrainian, from the south-eastern region, where it had lived for centuries, to the north and west. The author argues that the main reason for that was not the desire of Polish communists to assimilate this population and create a nationally homogeneous state, but the terrorist activity of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the armed forces of Western Ukrainian nationalists, who wanted to demonstrate Ukraine’s rights to own these lands. The decision to undertake resettlement as the most effective way to resolve the bloody conflict was announced by the authorities in Warsaw, but it was made in Moscow. Lemkos are considered the main victim of the Operation. For them, resettlement meant the loss of the entire native territory, which was one of the most important factors in shaping their identity. The communist regime not only identified them with Ukrainians in 1947, but even after withdrawing repression of Ukrainian cultural life in 1952-1956, refused to grant them national rights and imposed the status of a regional movement within the Ukrainian minority.
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The article describes the basic problems of the Lemko community in Central Europe, with particular emphasis on the population living in Poland, its fate, history and contemporary position in Poland, recalling, among other things, the activities of associations (the Association of Lemkos, the Union of Lemkos, organization of Watra). The author presented literature by analyzing the content of Marek Koprowski’s book.
EN
The text is an attempt to emphasize the Lemkos’ perspective in the commemoration of the Operation ‘Vistula’ seventy years after its completion. From this perspective cultural consequences are more important than any other, because being a Lemko as an ethno-cultural category was completely destroyed as a result of the dislocation, and Lemkos were subjected to denationalization. The considerations of this paper have been wrapped around two main threads – the first refers to the ideological connection of the Lemkos with the Ukrainians as victims of the operation “Wisła” to motivate the unity of their identities. In this case, the falsehood and negative effects of such propaganda were shown. The second theme exposes the essence of cultural losses, emphasizing language issues which threaten this group’s existence as a separate ethnos. It is partly based on research on trauma related to dislocation and disappearance of the most important determinants of cultural identity of Lemkos, on statistical data established during the 2002 and 2011 censuses and observations of ethnic behaviors and attitudes in generations of children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren of displaced persons. The examples given and the data show the alarming scale of fragmentation and destruction of the Lemko community seventy years since the ‘Vistula has flowed’, or the strategic denationalization is a kind of threatening message formulated with the framework of the humanities involved.
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The Lemkos, a distinctive ethnic group with roots in the Carpathian Mountains, have forged a unique cultural identity shaped by their language, traditions, and historical experiences. This study delves into the intricate dynamics of the „Łemkowska Watra“ (Lemko Bonfire), a symbol embodying both unity and division among the Lemko community. Originating in 1983, the Watra marks a renaissance of Lemko identity, resonating with communities worldwide. However, it also serves as a poignant illustration of the divisions within the Lemko community. This research scrutinizes the contrasting perspectives of pro-Ukrainian and pro-Rusyn factions, revealing how differing national affiliations have shaped Lemko identity.
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The Lemkos are a group of Ruthenian population, whose history is closely linked with that of Poland. Historically, they emerged as a fully distinct ethnographic entity in the Polish Carpathians, that is within the Polish state. The article is an attempt to answer the question: how are the Lemkos perceived by the Poles, who for centuries have constituted their natural social and national milieu? There is no doubt that the Lemkos differ from the Poles in their customs, language and religion. But are they strangers? In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth the Polish gentry regarded the Ruthenians living in the Commonwealth as part of the Polish community. In the Second Polish Republic they enjoyed all the rights of Polish citizens. Shortly after the war, in 1944–1947, they were forcibly moved by the communist authorities from their little homeland in the Beskid Mountains. Today, as surveys conducted among the Poles show, the Lemkos are a group practically unknown to ordinary Poles.
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On April 28, 1947 Polish communist authorities began Operation ‘Vistula’ which they argued was to eliminate the activity of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). One way to support this goal, according to them, was to resettle civil Ukrainian and Lemko population to the western and northern territories of Poland. Suspected UPA collaborators were to be imprisoned at the Central Labor Camp in the city of Jaworzno (formerly a part of the Auschwitz Concentration Camp). The first prisoners were brought in the early May of 1947. At least 543 people from the Lemko Region were eventually held there. The majority of them were Lemkos, but some Poles living among Lemkos were also arrested. Most had no ties to UPA and were victims of ethnic persecution. They were brought from local prisons and railway stations where the resettled population was loaded on the trains or were later pulled from transports during a stop-over in the city of Oświęcim. Due to brutal interrogations, torture, poor food and hygiene, all suffered loss of health while 18 Lemkos died. Prisoners were gradually released beginning in late December 1947, while some were moved to be imprisoned elsewhere. The Ukrainian part of the camp was closed in January 1949.
EN
The article is a part of studies on issues of Polish ethnic policy. Its main aim is to present to the reader the complexity of Lemko identity and show its influence on the effectiveness of advocacy and articulation of the interests of the Ukrainian minority in Poland. It consists of three parts. The first is dedicated to the Lemko minority in Poland with its origins and demographic structure. The second it specifies the complexity of their identity, whereas the third part presents their organizational activity.
EN
As a result of the post-war resettlement (1944–1946) to the areas of the Ukrainian SSR , then to the so-called recovered territories, as part of the „Vistula Action” (1947), the area of Orthodox Lemkos’ religious life ceased to exist. Most historic temples with their equipment were destroyed. The Orthodox property was plundered. The process of restoration of the Orthodox parish network began after 1956. Its result was the establishment of Rzeszów Deanery already in 1959. The revival of the parish structures encountered numerous difficulties. Among the most important should be mentioned unfavorable position of local religious authorities, poor conditions of the temples, the lack of clergy. However, by the end of the 60s it had been possible to create a network of parish temples, which in general satisfied the religious needs of the faithful. The key moment for the development and stabilization of the religious life was the erection of Przemysl – Nowy Sacz Diocese in 1983. Following the democratic changes taking place in Poland after 1989, Orthodox Church began a new period in its operations. In addition to the integration, because of the emerging opportunities, in a wider range it could fulfill its culture-creating role and become an important element of the multicultural region.
PL
W wyniku powojennych przesiedleń (1944–1946) na tereny USRR, a następnie na Zie-mie Odzyskane w ramach akcji „Wisła” (1947 r.) życie religijne prawosławnych Łem-ków na obszarze Łemkowszczyzny przestało istnieć. W większości zabytkowe świątynie wraz z wyposażeniem uległy zniszczeniu. Mienie cerkiewne zostało rozgrabione. Proces odbudowy prawosławnej sieci parafialnej rozpoczął się po 1956 r. Jego efektem było powołanie już w 1959 r. dekanatu rzeszowskiego. Odradzanie się struktury parafialnej napotykało liczne utrudnienia. Wśród najważniejszych należy wymienić nieprzychylne stanowisko lokalnych władz wyznaniowych, zły stan przekazywanych świątyń, brak duchowieństwa. Jednak do końca lat 60. XX w. udało się stworzyć sieć parafialną, która zaspokajała potrzeby religijne wiernych. Kluczowym momentem dla rozwoju i stabili-zacji życia religijnego było erygowanie w 1983 r. diecezji przemysko-nowosądeckiej. W wyniku przemian demokratycznych dokonujących się w Polsce po 1989 r. Cerkiew prawosławna rozpoczęła nowy okres w swojej działalności. Poza elementami integra-cyjnymi, ze względu na pojawiające się możliwości, mogła w szerszym zakresie wypeł-niać swoją funkcję kulturotwórczą i stawać się istotnym elementem wielokulturowości regionu.
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Łemkowie w Centralnym Obozie Pracy w Jaworznie

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The article presents the circumstances of settling Lemko ethnic sub-group membe rs in the Central Labour Camp in Jaworzno [CLC Jaworzno] as theresult of the Operation ‘Vistula’ carried out in 1947 by the order of communist Polish authorities. The communist labour camp in Jaworzno was established in February 1945, using the infrastructure of the former German concentration camp Neu-Dachs founded in 1943. The CLC Jaworzno was liquidated at the end of 1949 and turned into the detention center for juvenile political prisoners. It was finally shut down in 1956. Functioning between 1943 and 1956, the Camp is now known as ‘the Camp of the two totalitarian regimes’. The Lemkos and Ukrainians sent to the CLC after the Operation ‘Vistula’ were held in a separate sector of the Camp. From May 1947 until the end of 1948, 3873 prisoners of Lemko and Ukrainian origin were imprisoned in total, and 161 people died as the result of bad living conditions and brutal treatment. The issue of recollection of the Camp in the collective memory of the Lemkos and forms of commemorating the Camp and its prisoners will be discussed as well.
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The paper is an edition of 11 letters and 6 postcards sent by Izydor Kopernicki to Seweryn Udziela in years 1887–1891, stored in S. Udziela Etnographic Museum in Cracow.
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In 1947, as the result of the Vistula Operation, Lemkos were resettled to the Western and Northern Territories of Poland, this making them abandon their material possessions which remained at their former domicile prone to devastation. Certain Lemkos resented those developments to the extent that following 1956 some returned to their native land, determined to save their tangible and intangible culture. Amateur artistic projects were revived, and it was decided that traces of Lemko tangible heritage were to be taken care of. This led to the concept of creating an ethnographic Lemko museum. In 1968, using Teodor Gocz’s farmstead at Zyndranowa, a memento hall was created; it later assumed the name of the Museum of Lemko Culture. The institution continuously faced challenges: it lacked financing and factual supervision for its operation. Despite this, the Museum collection continued growing, and new buildings were safeguarded for the purpose. The Museum’s creators aimed not only at preserving and displaying traces of Lemko tangible heritage, but also at maintaining bonds of the displaced Lemkos with their former homeland. With time, the Museum also began playing an important role in preserving the Lemko ethnic identity.
PL
Łemkowie zamieszkują pogranicze ukraińsko-słowacko-polskie. Od najdawniejszych czasów byli związani z chrześcijaństwem obrządku wschodniego (prawosławiem). W XVI i XVII wieku stali się unitami (grekokatolikami). W XIX i XX wieku część Łemków przeszła na wyznanie prawosławne. Większość pozostała jednak wierna Kościołowi greckokatolickiemu. Współcześnie Łemkowie wyznania greckokatolickiego najczęściej uważają się za przynależnych do narodu ukraińskiego. Łemkowie prawosławni najczęściej uważają się za odrębny naród.
EN
Lemko inhabit the borderland between Ukraine, Slovakia, and Poland. Since ancient times they have been associated with the Eastern Rite Christianity (Orthodox). In the 16th and 17th cen¬turies, they became Uniates (Greek Catholics). In the 19th and 20th century some of Lemko people passed to the Orthodox faith. Most, however, remained loyal to the Greek Catholic Church. Today, the Greek Catholic Lemkos usually think of themselves as members of the Ukrainian people. Orthodox Lemkos usually think of themselves as a separate nation
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Artykuł dotyczy problematyki konstruowania się tożsamości Łemków zamieszkujących Ziemię Lubuską, materiałem badawczym są dwa tomy łemkowskich wspomnień “Z łemkowskiej skrzyni. Część pierwsza. Opowieści z Ługów i okolic” oraz “Z łemkowskiej skrzyni. Część druga. Opowieści z Brzozy i okolic”. Autorka próbuje ukazać specyfikę formułowania się tożsamości tej grupy etnicznej doświadczonej przez wysiedlenia, w której czynny udział biorą takie elementy jak mityzacja Łemkowszczyzny, próba autoidentyfikacji a także zagadnienie adaptacji po przyjeździe na Ziemie Odzyskane.
EN
This article to apply to constructions of problem Łemkos identity which are inhabit to Ziemia Lubuska, the mainly research material are two volume of Łemkos memoirs “Z łemkowskiej skrzyni. Część pierwsza. Opowieści z Ługów i okolic” and “Z łemkowskiej skrzyni. Część druga. Opowieści z Brzozy i okolic”. The author try to reveal specificity conditions of the mold to Lemkos identity, in case when they had been experienced by displacing. In this process play a part Łemkowszczyzna mythical perception, the assay of self identify and question of adaption after they came in Regaind Territories.
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Łemkowski bilans XX stulecia

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Lemkos is the farthest western ethnographic group of Ukrainians. The territory they inhabit consists of a triangular wedge jutting into West Slavic settlement, with Poles to the north and Slovacs to the south. In this paper author has analyzed situation of Lemkos in the XX century. Their situation is really difficult. The process of assimilation is coming on in extraneous enviroment. So threre is a threat of total disappearance of Lemkos in terms of seperate cultural group. The attempt of creating own, seperate Lemkos nationality seems to be impossible. Only reception of Ukrainian national identity opens a window of opportunity to salvage remains of Lemkos tradition.
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The paper introduces a biography of prominent scientific activists, journalists, ethnographers and writers Roman Reinfuss i Yulian Tarnovych. Intercessors Polish - Ukrainian affairs who expressed it through scientific activity. Similarities and differences in the biography and method of transferring the content are shown, and an amazing love for Lemko’s region this Polish and Ukrainian authors. The article presents the similarities into the method of transferring popular science content by two ethnicdifferent journalists – scientist inhabitant in the same Lemko region. The analysis of the content they published in magazines, newspapers and scientific papers was also carried out. The purpose of the article is to compare the presented media content by two scientists - journalists from different social environments living in the same region, in the service of saving the Lemko’s hertiage by the example of ethnic journalism.
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