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Litwini w III RP

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EN
The article presents the situation of the Lithuanian minority in the Third Republic of Poland. Lithuanians who densely inhabit a small area of north-east Suwalki region, in and around Puńsk and Sejny, form a close-knit community. This is the autochtonous, almost exclusively rural population. Lesser and dispersed groups of Lithuanians live on the entire territory of Poland. The overall number of the Lithuanian minority of Poland is approximately 7.5-8 thousand people. In the new reality after 1989 there have been changes in the organized activity of Lithuanians. The Lithuanian Social-Cultural Society which had existed for over thirty years changed its name to the Association of Lithuanians in Poland. New organizations were also founded, such as: the Lithuanian Society of St. Casimir or the Community of Lithuanians in Poland. For Lithuanian activists one of the most important issues was the cause of education in their native tongue. At the beginning of the 1990s the “Aušra” Publishing House began the printing of the first books in Lithuanian since the Second World War. The “Aušra” quarterly was transformed into a monthly and then again into a biweekly. Besides, regional stations of the public radio and television began broadcasting regular programmes in Lithuanian. Lithuanians are characterized by a high national self-awareness and the ability to organize themselves in the defense of their interests. A high degree of internal integration minimized the process of assimilation and allowed them to retain their distinctive individuality, their own language, culture and system of education. The factors that facilitate this phenomenon are: a compact population inhabiting a small area, peripheral location, isolation from the Polish society.
EN
Aim. The research aim of this article is to explore academic youth’s education process and career in the UK. The research focuses on Lithuanian students from three prestigious British universities. Methods. The study revealed three questions: the reasons of students choises to study in prestigious higher schools of the UK, students’ satisfaction in terms of their education process; their placement in the labor market, or academic/business career. To answer the research questions qualitative research was conducted by using structured, partly-structured in-depth interviews, the questionnaire forms, discussions, and observation methods. Results. The analysis of the empirical research data revealed that the determining factor of students’ choices was the high quality of the studies and international work perspectives after graduation as well as the rating of the universities and the recommendations of senior fellow students, progressive learning and living environment. Furthermore, they had the possibility to become part of the international social web. The results of the survey indicate that students give more value to individualism emphasizing achievement, critical thinking, high level of education. They also appreciate the possibilities to apply knowledge in real-world setings, also to the career in international business or academic field, which is garanteed by most reputable universities. In such evironment students are encouraged to be responsible actors and to create a more sustainable world (UNESCO (ESD), 2017). Cognitive value. With the help of a case study of education in the UK, the paper reveals the sustainable education perspectives.
EN
In the early 90s, significant changes in the political and geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe occurred inter alia the collapse of communist rule and the collapse of the Soviet Union. All this processes have caused also social, legal and organizational changes of the situation of national minorities in Eastern Europe. There have been the liberalization and empowerment of national minorities. After 1990 began to be formed many organizations which were connected with social, educational, cultural or political life of national minorities. But on the other hand the result of this changes was a revival of old conflicts in Eastern Europe. Although the Eastern European countries are in one body like the EU, the legal status of national minorities sometimes is quite different, for example in Poland and Lithuania where changes are caused by the historical conditions. Despite of the fact that in the past Poland and Lithuania have been one country, nowadays many facts are evaluated totally different by both sides. In Lithuania which is relatively a small country with low population, the national minorities represent a high proportion and this situation causes a lot of tensions. In Poland which is much bigger country with large population, minorities are a small percentage of the population and the rights of minorities are quite extensive. References 19. Figures 4. Tables 7. Summary in Lithuanian
EN
In the early 90s, significant changes in the political and geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe occurred inter alia the collapse of communist rule and the collapse of the Soviet Union. All this processes have caused also social, legal and organizational changes of the situation of national minorities in Eastern Europe. There have been the liberalization and empowerment of national minorities. After 1990 began to be formed many organizations which were connected with social, educational, cultural or political life of national minorities. But on the other hand the result of this changes was a revival of old conflicts in Eastern Europe. Although the Eastern European countries are in one body like the EU, the legal status of national minorities sometimes is quite different, for example in Poland and Lithuania where changes are caused by the historical conditions. Despite of the fact that in the past Poland and Lithuania have been one country, nowadays many facts are evaluated totally different by both sides. In Lithuania which is relatively a small country with low population, the national minorities represent a high proportion and this situation causes a lot of tensions. In Poland which is much bigger country with large population, minorities are a small percentage of the population and the rights of minorities are quite extensive. References 19. Figures 4. Tables 7. Summary in Lithuanian
EN
The Polish state within the span of over a thousand years of history changed its borders several times, although it is conventionally accepted that its ethnic territory stretches from the river Odra in the west to the Bug in the east, and from the Baltic Sea in the north to the mountain ranges in the south. The article deals with the subject of the shaping of national identity of the knighthood in the Middle Ages and then its subsequent transformations during Poland’s partition, the emergence of ethnic minorities (especially Germans and Jews) and the attitude of the local population to them in the pre-partition period. The discussed phenomena include xenophobia and xenophilia, the Polonization of foreigners and their impact on Polish culture during the partition of Poland. In the interwar period a new concept of minorities was created with regard to Ukrainians, Belorussians and Lithuanians inhabiting their ethnic territories which had been incorporated into the Polish state. Politics determined new borders after the end of World War II, which resulted in yet another “migration of peoples” this time from the east to the west and the ensuing assimilation processes.
EN
The article presents changes of national composition of Vilnius population in the 2nd half of the 20th century. The changes of Vilnius population are analyzed with respect to nationality, including the smallest territorial administrative units of Vilnius. The growth of the city population was associated with an intensive allround city development. Based on the data of the censuses of 1989 and 2001, the article focuses on the dynamics of national composition, which took place after the restoration of independence. The analysis encompasses not only the intensity of dynamics of different nationalities but also the portion of national minorities residing in Vilnius (Poles and Russians in particular) on a country scale.
EN
Birutė Jonuškaitė, a Lithuanian writer born and raised in Sejny/Seinai [Polish/Lithuanian] County, Poland, became one of the most consistent storytellers of genuine cross-national relations in Lithuanian literature. In all her novels, the writer, who settled in Vilnius after her studies at Vilnius University, tells stories about the life of the Lithuanian diaspora in Poland, and in her latest novels, Maranta (2015) and Maestro (2019), she brings to life a literary epic about the historical relations between Lithuanian, Polish, Jewish and French families. These relations burgeon at the beginning of the century in the province of Lithuania where the borders of several countries converge, to unfold over the coming decades across the thoroughfares and capitals of Europe and the world. Separated by the vicissitudes of war and history, whole families and individuals alike find each other because in response to the call of human warmth and love.
PL
Birutė Jonuškaitė, litewska pisarka urodzona i wychowana w powiecie sejneńskim w Polsce, stała się w literaturze litewskiej jedną z najbardziej konsekwentnych autorek opowiadających prawdziwe historie o sąsiedztwie. Po studiach na Uniwersytecie Wileńskim Jonuškaitė pozostała w Wilnie. We wszystkich swoich powieściach opowiada o życiu diaspory litewskiej na ziemiach polskich. W ostatnich utworach, Maranta (2015) i Maestro (2019), tworzy swoisty epos literacki o historycznych związkach między rodzinami litewskimi i polskimi. Związki te rodzą się na litewskiej prowincji, na początku wieku, w miejscu, w którym zbiegają się granice kilku państw, a następnie w ciągu dziesięcioleci rozszerzają się na drogi i stolice Europy i świata. W tych powieściach, dotyczących problemów ogólnoludzkich, granica i pogranicze stają się istotnym problematycznym punktem orientacyjnym.
Tematy i Konteksty
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2019
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vol. 14
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issue 9
202-219
EN
The paper deals with the manner in which the Pole Jan Piotrowski, the author of the diary of Stefan Batory’s expedition to Pskov (1581-1582), depicted the Lithuanians participating in it. He rarely referred to stereotypical ideas about them, rather than this he described the reality that he observed and did not skew it towards the established beliefs.Although he valued his countrymen more, he could show courage and bravery of the Lithuanian soldiers, especially praising the raid of Krzysztof Radziwiłł’s troop. Somewhat more often, however, he reprimanded the Lithuanians: underestimated their number and combat quality, accused them of withdrawing too quickly from Pskov, emphasized their susceptibility to rumours. Among the citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, he most disliked  Chancellor Eustachy Wołłowicz, who hindered Piotrowski from fulfilling his mission and often refused access to the documents he possessed.The image we receive is inhomogeneous. It combines  bright and dark sides of fellow Lithuanian citizens, which makes it seem very credible.
UK
В процесі дослідження були осмислені проблеми спільної політичної історії України, Польщі та Литви, у першу чергу вплив слов’янського світу на процес становлення Литовської держави, взаємовпливи історико-культурного характеру. У статті акцентується увага на культурних міжетнічних контактах литовців та українців. Розкриваються мовні міжетнічні контакти, литовсько-українські взаємовпливи у сімейно-шлюбних традиціях українців. В межах дослідження були зроблені висновки щодо мовної ситуації. Можна стверджувати, що тут сильнішим був руський вплив, адже так звана «руська мова» використовувалася, як у повсякденному житті, так і в офіційному діловодстві. Адже вона мала труднощі у своєму лінгвістичному трактуванні, тому було запропоновано багато варіантів її найменування. Присутність в сучасній українській мові численних літуанізмів у різних галузях лексики незаперечно свідчить про вагомість литовсько-українських контактів за середньовіччя та про взаємовпливи литовців та українців у формуванні етносів. Про взаємність українсько-литовських контактів свідчать і численні українські запозичення в сучасній литовській мові, більшість з яких прийшла до неї безперечно за часів Великого князівства Литовського. Яскравим прикладом литовсько-українських взаємовпливів є така сфера духовного життя, як шлюбні відносини. Адже на українських землях з XVI – до першої половини XIX століття діяли Литовські Статути (до введення нового російського законодавства), до яких були перенесені норми «Руської правди», що регулювали шлюбні та сімейні відносини за Київської держави. Інститут шлюбу в Литовських Статутах розглянуто доволі обширно, проте в більшій мірі вони регулювали відносини між більш заможними верствами тогочасного суспільства. Водночас певні норми мали універсальний характер: чітке встановлення шлюбного віку, визначення прав і обов’язків батьків і рідних при створенні нової родини, зобов’язань нареченого, визначення становища жінки та її дітей та ін. Тобто до українців повернулися їхні власні шлюбно-сімейні традиції, які, водночас, доповнюють і збагачують духовне життя литовців.
EN
In the course research the problems of the common political history of Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania were comprehended, first of all, the influence of the Slavic world on the process of formation of the Lithuanian state, mutual influences of historical and cultural nature. The article focuses on the cultural interethnic contacts of Lithuanians and Ukrainians. Linguistic interethnic contacts, Lithuanian-Ukrainian interactions in family and marriage traditions of Ukrainians are revealed. Within the frameworks of the study the language situation was described. It can be argued that the Rus influence was stronger here, because the so-called “Rus language” was used both in everyday life and in official records. But it posed difficulties in its linguistic interpretation, many variants for its nomination were suggested which was described in detail in the article. Numerous Lithuanians in modern Ukrainian lexicon representing various fields undoubtedly testifies to the importance of Lithuanian-Ukrainian contacts in the Middle Ages and the historical contribution of Lithuanians to the formation of the Ukrainian ethnic group. The reciprocity of Ukrainian-Lithuanian contacts is evidenced by numerous Ukrainian borrowings in the modern Lithuanian language, most of which undeniably entered the vocabulary during the time of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. A striking example of Lithuanian-Ukrainian interaction presents such a sphere of spiritual life as marital relations. After all, in the Ukrainian lands beginning from the XVI to the first half of the XIX century Lithuanian Statutes were in force (before the introduction of new Russian legislation), to which the norms of Russkaya Pravda regulating marital and family relations in the Kyiv state were transferred. Thus, Ukrainians got their own marriage and family traditions. The institution of marriage in the Lithuanian Statutes is considered quite extensively, but to a greater extent they regulated relations between the more affluent sections of the society at that time. Meanwhile, certain norms were universal: a clear definition of marriage age, defining the rights and responsibilities of parents and relatives in creating a new family, the obligations of the groom, determining the position of women and their children, and others.
PL
Dzięki nieznanym dotąd, unikalnym dokumentom odnalezionym w dwóch moskiewskich archiwach (Архив внешней политики Российской империи; Российский государственный военный архив), pisanym na przełomie 1918 i 1919 roku przez przedstawicieli dwóch stron polsko-sowieckiego frontu autorka omawia sytuację w Wilnie na przełomie grudnia 1918 i stycznia 1919 roku. 
EN
Thanks to previously unknown documents found in two Moscow archives (Archive of the Foreign Policy of Imperial Russia and Russian State Military Archive), written at the turn of 1918 and 1919 by representatives of two sides of the Polish-Soviet front, the author discusses the situation in Vilnius at the turn of December 1918 and January 1919.
PL
Tekst jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego Wilno zachowało daleko posuniętą rezerwę wobec propozycji reaktywacji unii przedstawionej przez Józefa Piłsudskiego w Odezwie do mieszkańców byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego (22 kwietnia 1919 r.) w oswobodzonym od bolszewików mieście. W czasie wojny polsko-sowieckiej J. Piłsudski podejmował liczne działania w celu doprowadzenia do odrodzenia unii lubelskiej w nowoczesnym, XX-wiecznym kształcie. Na niepowodzenie tej polityki federacyjnej miały głównie wpływ konsekwencje niemieckiej polityki specjalnej prowadzonej w latach 1915–1918 na terenie niemieckiej okupacji części ziem byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, tzw. Ober-Ost. Polityka Niemców mająca na celu osiągnięcie własnej dominacji politycznej i gospodarczej na okupowanym terytorium wykorzystywała ambicje polityczne innych niż polska narodowości, starała się o antagonizowanie przedstawicieli różnych grup narodowych z najsilniejszą i najniebezpieczniejszą dla niemieckich interesów na terytorium byłej Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów grupą polską. W tej sytuacji liderzy litewscy i białoruscy pozostający pod okupacją niemiecką nie widzieli korzyści płynących z ewentualnego sojuszu z Polakami, a posunięcia mające wymowę antypolską przynosiły im konkretne dotacje ze strony niemieckich okupacyjnych władz wojskowych. Próby porozumienia się polityków polskich, litewskich i białoruskich kończyły się zatem niepowodzeniem, zwiększały się natomiast sprzeczności interesów spadkobierców byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego (16 lutego 1918 r. Litwini ogłosili po raz drugi niepodległość, 25 marca 1918 r. liderzy BRL wydali III Hramotę, 11 listopada 1918 r. proklamowano powstanie pierwszego litewskiego rządu, 11 grudnia 1918 r. członkowie żydowskiej starszyzny weszli do litewskiej Taryby). Wejście bolszewików do Wilna dodatkowo zantagonizowało Polaków i Żydów. Niezależnie od narodowości mieszkańcy Wilna odnieśli się więc nieufnie do idei federacji. Nie była zatem możliwa realizacja projektu systemu (ew. unii) państw buforowych, oddzielających Polskę od Rosji. W wyniku politycznej klęski polityki federacyjnej po podpisaniu traktatu ryskiego na terenie b. Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów nie było już silnego związku narodów mogącego skutecznie stawić opór różnego rodzaju ekspansji – czy to ze wschodu, czy z zachodu.
EN
The present study is an attempt to answer the question as to why the residents of Vilnius displayed such reluctance towards the idea of reactivating an international union, put forth by Józef Piłsudski in his “Proclamation to the inhabitants of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania” (22 April 1919) in this city recently liberated from the Bolsheviks. During the Polish-Soviet War, Piłsudski undertook extensive efforts aimed at reviving the Union of Lublin in a modern, 20th-century form. The failure of the federalist concept resulted primarily from the consequences of the German special policy conducted in the years 1915–1918 in the German-occupied portion of the lands of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania, known as Ober-Ost. The German strategy, aimed at achieving political and economic domination in the occupied territories, exploited the political ambitions of all national circles other than Polish by antagonizing the representatives of various ethnic groups with the strongest and most dangerous group within the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, i.e. the Poles. In this situation, Lithuanian and Belarusian leaders under German occupation saw no benefi t in a possible alliance with Poles, especially that anti-Polish measures were rewarded with subsidies from the German occupation military authorities. All attempts at a compromise made by Polish, Lithuanian and Belarusian politicians proved unsuccessful, while confl icts of interest between the successors of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania grew (on 16 February 1918, the Lithuanian side declared independence for the second time; on 25 March 1918 the leaders of the BNR issued their Third Charter; on 11 November 1918 the formation of the fi rst Lithuanian government was proclaimed, and on 11 December 1918 the Jewish elders joined the Lithuanian Taryba). The Bolsheviks’ entry into Vilnius antagonised the Polish and Jewish populations even further. In summary, the citizens of Vilnius were sceptical of the federalist concept regardless of their nationality. Implementing a system (or union) of buffer states separating Poland from Russia was therefore out of the question. Due to the ultimate failure of the federalist policy sealed by the signing of the Peace of Riga, no powerful multinational union would emerge in the territories of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to effectively put a halt to any later expansionist attempts, either from the East or from the West.
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