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EN
The Sorbian bibliography – its history and futureThe first Sorbian bibliographic registers were compiled in the 18th century and also became a tool for the growing national­historical awareness of the Sorbian intelligentsia. In 1847, the society named Maćica Serbska was founded to promote scholarly and cultural discussions for a national-­cultural discourse. In this function, it also made publication activities possible. In addition, the society founded a central Sorbian library and recorded all new Sorbian-­language books in its journal. A genuine Sorbian bibliography was compiled by Jakub Wjacsławk in 1929 (re-­issued and supplemented in 1952). The Institute for Sorbian People Research, founded in Bautzen in 1951 (since 1992 called the Sorbian Institute) continued this work. Predominantly in five-­year intervals, altogether ten volumes of this bibliography were published in the period 1945–2005. Since 1986, this was done electronically, establishing a database, which has been made available on the website of the Sorbian Institute since 2003 and also forms part of the German-language virtual library Slavistik, the so called Slavistik-­Portal.
EN
The first Sorbian bibliographic registers were compiled in the 18th century and also became a tool for the growing national­historical awareness of the Sorbian intelligentsia. In 1847, the society named Maćica Serbska was founded to promote scholarly and cultural discussions for a national-­cultural discourse. In this function, it also made publication activities possible. In addition, the society founded a central Sorbian library and recorded all new Sorbian-­language books in its journal. A genuine Sorbian bibliography was compiled by Jakub Wjacsławk in 1929 (re-­issued and supplemented in 1952). The Institute for Sorbian People Research, founded in Bautzen in 1951 (since 1992 called the Sorbian Institute) continued this work. Predominantly in five-­year intervals, altogether ten volumes of this bibliography were published in the period 1945–2005. Since 1986, this was done electronically, establishing a database, which has been made available on the website of the Sorbian Institute since 2003 and also forms part of the German-language virtual library Slavistik, the so called Slavistik-­Portal.
EN
The author analyzes the articles from the Czechoslovak press from the years 1945-1948, published in the Borderland, presenting the ideological project of a united Slavdom and its cultural and political role in Europe and in the world. This issue encompasses a range of other specific questions, including the role of the USSR in the community of Slavs, the place of Czechoslovakia, the demands on the correction of Czechoslovakia’s borders, the incorporation of Lusatia, as well as narrations about Poland and Poles. A special group of texts are those comparing PolishRecovered Territories to the Czech Borderland. The author emphasizes that their role was not only to show the similarities, but also, though not explicitly, to enhance the value of the solutions implemented in Czechoslovakia in the Borderland.
EN
The paper presents a new view on Polish-German relations, focusing also on Lusatians. The author sheds light on the role of Lusatians in the network of Polish-German relations, pointing out that they are in fact not bilateral, but rather trilateral. It is possible to describe them in this way if the classification is based on ethnic awareness, with Germans, Lusatian Sorbs and Poles facing one another. This trilateral situation may be even more diversified (between the standard German and Polish languages, there is also Kashubian and Lusatian, which can be divided into Lower Sorbian and Upper Sorbian; one must not forget about the Czech influences either). The author focuses particularly on the original, German-Lusatian-Polish triangle, in which the Lusatian Sorbs occupy the central position, as they are linked to both sides, even though they retain a certain independence.
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Roviny novodobé lužickosrbské etnické identity

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EN
The text concentrates on issues concerning the beginnings, development and current situation of the Sorbian ethnicity and ethnic identity in the region of Lusatia (Germany) from 1800 to the present. The given phenomenon is observed throughout the course of the 19th century which: 1) accelerated the transformation of Sorbs into the modern era ethnic group, enabling them to undergo a relatively successful “national revival”; 2) the same period, however, saw the acceleration of the language and ethnic assimilation (Germanization). Furthermore, attention is paid to the development, specifi c features, quests, possibilities and limits in the field of Sorbian ethnic consciousness in the 20th and 21st centuries; emphasis is laid on the present-day situation. Closer analyses and ensuing interpretations focus on social and psychological factors of the given problem range, as well as on political connotations. A dichotomous situation between the primordial and (post) modernist approaches to understanding ethnicity in Lusatia is also commented on in detail. Finally, the role of Sorbian elements as the common denominator of Lusatian regionalism is dealt with as well.
EN
Oskar Kolberg never visited Lusatia, and did not come in direct contact with the Sorbs. Still, hoping to carry out his original project of a collection of melodies from all Slavic nations, Kolberg could not ignore Lusatian songs and dances. The volume Materiały do etnografii Słowian Zachodnich i Południowych, Part 1: Łużyce is made up of three sections. The first one contains Kolberg’s translations to the Polish language and excerpts from Jan Arnošt Smoler’s monumental work Volkslieder der Sorben in der Ober- und Niederlausitz / Pěsnički hornich a delnich Łužiskich Serbow. The second part includes Sorbian materials from the collection of Andrzej Kucharski, who in the years 1826–1827 studied the history, literature and language of Lusatians. The third part contains Kolberg’s own rather scarce lexical and bibliographical notes. The aim of this article is to take note of a not-sowell- known volume of Kolberg’s folk-musical collection and to discuss the meaning of this publication nowadays.
PL
Lusatia is a phenomenon in the history of Europe. For many centuries its inhabitants bravely struggled against the German element, preserving their identity. Such conduct has earned them our admiration. Does this admiration find reflection in the Polish language, for instance in the proper names used today? This article makes an attempt at answering this question. Special attention has been paid to the onyms including the words Łużyce/Lusatia, łużycki/Lusatian, Łużyczanin/Łużyczanka/male or female inhabitant of Lusatia, excerpted from the Internet with the use of Google browser. Their analysis shows which factors also played an important role in the formation of such names, i.e., sympathy and interest in the inhabitants of Lusatia – the people who have been cultivating their culture, language and customs for many years and who, because of their conduct, are worthy of our reflection.
EN
The paper introduces the readers to activities of a family of bell-founders – the Wields, who lived on the Silesian–Lusatian–Bohemian borderland at the turn of 16th and 17th century. Campanological research concerning Lower Silesia has been rather poor to date, which results in a need for broader studies regarding historic bells and bell-founders.
EN
The study is aimed at analysing the itinerary of Prince Sigismund Jagiellon from the time when this future Polish-Lithuanian monarch acted as one of the Silesian territorial princes and governor representing his brother Vladislav in Silesia and Lusatia. The centre of interest was mobility as one of the tools of the power representation of the late-medieval ruler
EN
Symbolic crusades in Lusatia and Brittany? An analysis of minority language movements from the perspective of status politicsThis paper proposes to analyse mobilizations for regional minority languages in Lusatia and Brittany from the perspective of “status politics”. In a post-modern context, where traditional speech communities are fragmented by territorial and social mobility, speaking a minority language seems to be a matter of personal choice, structured through engagement and activism. Assuming that languages are part of a linguistic economy shaped by power conflicts and struggle for classifications, this article approaches the promotion of regional and minority languages as a struggle for social recognition of particular cultures, styles of life and collective prestige. By using the tools of political sociology, our ambition is to examine actions for Upper and Lower Sorbian, Breton and Gallo as symbolic ones, aiming at influencing the distribution of social prestige in Lusatia and Brittany, thus exceeding mere language issues. Today, campaigners for minority languages of Lusatia and Brittany participate in “revitalization movements” which also assert visions of the social world. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with language activists and on participatory observations, the idea is to consider to what extent linguistic mobilizations can be qualified as symbolic crusades”, and in what ways this sociological notion could be useful to understand the mechanisms at work in linguistic collective action in general. Krucjaty symboliczne na Łużycach i w Bretanii? Próba spojrzenia na aktywizm mniejszości językowych poprzez analizę polityki statusuArtykuł proponuje spojrzenie na mobilizację użytkowników regionalnych języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii z perspektywy polityki statusu. W ponowoczesnym kontekście, w którym tradycyjne wspólnoty komunikacyjne zostały rozbite przez wzrost mobilności terytorialnej i społecznej, używanie języka mniejszościowego wydaje się kwestią jednostkowego wyboru, realizowanego poprzez osobiste zaangażowanie i aktywizm. Przyjmując założenie, że języki stanowią element ekonomii lingwistycznej, kształtowanej przez konflikty władzy i potrzebę klasyfikacji, artykuł traktuje promowanie języków regionalnych i mniejszościowych jako walkę o akceptację konkretnych kultur i stylów życia oraz o prestiż społeczny. Korzystając z narzędzi socjologii politycznej, autorka stawia sobie za cel zbadanie działań na rzecz języków górnołużyckiego, dolnołużyckiego, bretońskiego i gallo jako działalności symbolicznej, mającej prowadzić do zmian w dystrybucji prestiżu społecznego na Łużycach i w Bretanii, a zatem wykraczającej poza kwestie czysto językowe. Obecnie działacze na rzecz języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii biorą udział w „ruchu rewitalizacyjnym”, który przedstawia również własną wizję świata społecznego. Opierając się na częściowo ustrukturyzowanych wywiadach z aktywistami językowymi oraz na obserwacji uczestniczącej, autorka próbuje określić, do jakiego stopnia mobilizacja językowa może być uznana za „krucjatę symboliczną” i w jaki sposób ta wywodząca się z socjologii koncepcja może być przydatna dla zrozumienia mechanizmów funkcjonujących w szerszym kontekście działań zbiorowych o charakterze językowym.
EN
The article present the contemporary discussion among medievalists on the conflict that occurred at the end of 10th century between Mieszko I, duke of Polans, and Boleslaus II the Pious, the ruler of Bohemia; such conflict has been mentioned by Thietmar, bishop of Merseburg, in his chronicle. The dispute centered on a territory which Thietmar enigmatically referred to as regnum ablatum.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony specyficznej grupie kościołów ewangelickich (luterańskich), które powstały na ziemi legnickiej i Łużycach w drugiej połowie XVII w. Protestanci mieli wówczas możliwość praktykowania swojej konfesji tylko na terenach niepozostających pod władzą katolików. Określenie kościoły ucieczkowe odnosi się do tych kościołów katolickich, które po opuszczeniu ich przez katolików zostały przejęte przez ewangelików. Kościoły graniczne zostały natomiast wybudowane przez ewangelików od podstaw. W obu typach kościołów zachował się ich charakterystyczny wystrój. Położenie geograficzne zachowanych kościołów ucieczkowych i granicznych umożliwia odtworzenie granic historycznych pomiędzy Śląskiem a Łużycami oraz pomiędzy księstwem legnickim a księstwami „cesarskimi”.
EN
The paper is devoted to a specific group of evangelical (Lutheran) churches founded in Legnica and Lusatia in the second half of the 17th century. The Protestants could only practice their beliefs in areas not ruled by Catholics. The term escape churches (Zufluchtskirche) applies to Catholic churches abandoned by Catholics and taken over by Evangelican Protestants. On the other hand, border churches were built by Evangelical Protestants from scratch. In both types of churches, distinctive style of decor was preserved. The geographical location of preserved escape and border churches allows us to retrace the historical borders between Silesia and Lusatia, as well as between the Duchy of Legnica and the “Kaiser's” duchies.
PL
Dla każdej mniejszości narodowej pielęgnowanie tradycji i zwyczajów jest ważnym wykładnikiem tożsamości. Podobnie jest w przypadku mniejszości łużyckiej, dla której zwyczaje są istotnym elementem jednoczącym i pogłębiającym jej świadomość narodową, a także ważną częścią życia tego narodu. Wśród łużyckich zwyczajów miejsce szczególne zajmują tradycje związane z Wielkanocą. Należą do nich m.in.: zdobienie pisanek, śpiewy wielkanocne, wielkoczwartkowe podarki dla dzieci, chodzenie po wielkanocną wodę, kulanie pisanek, palenie ogni wielkanocnych czy konne procesje w Wielką Niedzielę.
EN
For every national minority cultivating traditions and customs is an important factor of identity. The same applies to the Lusatian minority, for which customs are expressions unifying and deepening their national awareness as well as playing an important part in their way of life. Among the Lusatian customs, a special place is occupied by traditions related to Easter. These include decorating Easter eggs, Easter singing, Holy Thursday presents for children, fetching Easter water, rolling Easter eggs, Easter Fire or the Easter Riders on Easter Sunday.
EN
The First World War (1914–1918) was inextricably connected with regular conscription. Undoubtedly it had a huge impact on reducing the population of Sorbs in Germany. Their number decreased from 102 801 to 70 998 people between the censuses in 1910 and 1925. After World War I, Lusatia failed to become a country independent of the German Empire. On 7 October 1925 the national organizations of Sorbs united (Maćica Serbska, Domowina, Lusatian Alliance) and established the Wendish People’s Party, which on 26 January 1924 accessed the Association of National Minorities in Germany. The Association’s publication was the monthly “Kulturwille” (since January 1926 “Kulturwehr”), which was issued until 1938. Its editor was a Sorb – Jan Skala (1889–1945). The censuses of 1925 and 1933 claimed that nearly 73,000 Sorbs lived in Germany. Under Hitler all Sorbian associations were dissolved and in both parts of Lusatia more than 60 Sorb ian place names were removed and replaced by German ones. The years of World War II (1939–1945) is the most tragic period in the history of the Sorbs – a period of even worse persecutions, arrests, taking the Sorbs to the concentration camps, the destruction of their properties, the suppression of all forms of autonomy and selforganization. Freedom from Fascism was given to the Sorbs on 6 April 1945 by troops of First Ukrainian Front and the Polish Second Army. On 23 March 1948 – under pressure from the Soviet occupation authorities – the National Parliament of Saxony (Landtag) passed a law guaranteeing the rights of the Sorbs. GDR authorities sought to reduce the population of the Sorbs and the use of Sorbian language. Only after the absorption of the GDR by the FRG – called the second unification of Germany – on 3 October 1990, the Sorbian population began to use civil rights emerging from the Basic Law of the FRG. Currently about 60,000 Sorbs live in Germany, out of which 20,000 in Brandenburg (Protestants) speaking Lower Sorbian (similar to Polish), and 40,000 in Saxony (Catholics) speaking Upper Sorbian (similar to Czech). The majority are elderly people (60 and over). Younger generation speaks almost exclusively German.
RU
Первая мировая война (1914–1918) была неразрывно связана с массовым призывом в армию. Это имело, несомненно, большое влияние на снижение популяции лужичан в Германии. Их число уменьшилось между переписями 1910 и 1925 гг., с 102 801 до 70 998 человек. После Первой мировой войны не удалось выделить Лужицы как независимого от Германии государства. 7 октября 1925 года имело место слияние национальных лужицких организаций (Отчизна лужицкая, Домовина, Лужицкая народная партия) и создание лужицкого народного совета, который 26 января 1924 г. Приступил к Ассоциации национальных меньшинств в Германии. Печатным органом Союза был ежемесячник «Kulturwille» (с января 1926 г. «Kulturwehr»), который не появился до 1938 г. Его редактором был лужичанин Ян Скала (1889–1945). Переписи с 1925 и 1933 гг. сообщили, что в Германии, где проживает почти 73 тыс. лужичан. При Гитлере расторгнуты были все лужицкие орга- низации и в обеих частях Лужицы более чем 60 лужицких наименований мест были заменены немецкими. Годы Второй мировой войны (1939–1945) является наиболее трагическим периодом в истории лужичан – это время еще более жестких преследований, арестов, закрывания лужичан в концлагерях, уничтожения их имущества, подавления всех форм автономии и самоорганизации. Свободу от нацизма лужичаном 6 апреля 1945 г. привели войска I Украинского фронта Красной Армии и Второй польской ар- мии. 23 марта 1948 г. – под давлением советских оккупационных властей– Национальный парламент (Landtag) Саксонии принял закон, гарантиру-ющий права лужичаном. Власть ГДР пыталась уменьшить население лужичан и использования лужицкого языка. Только после поглощения ГДР Федеративной Республикой Германии – называемого вторым объединени- ем Германии – 3 октября 1990 г., лужицкое население стало использовать гражданские свободы в соответствии с Основным Законом ФРГ. В настоящее время в Германии проживает около 60 тысяч лужичан, из которых 20 000 в Бранденбурге (протестанты) –говорящий по-нижнелужицки (похожий на польский язык), и 40 000 в Саксонии (католиков) – говорящий по-верхнелужицки (похожий на чешский язык). Большинство из них – по- жилые люди (60 лет и больше). Младшие говорят почти исключительно на немецком языке.
EN
The Slavs came from the steppes of Eastern Europe to Balkan Peninsula in the firsthalf of the 1st millennium A.D. At the turn of the 6th century some of the tribes,looking for new places to settle, arrived at the area between the Elbe and Oder– occupying an area abandoned by Germanic tribes, who moved to the ScandinavianPeninsula – and were called Wends. Southern Slavs invaded and settledin Lusatia and reached the Saale. In the middle of the 9th century there were almost 50 Slavic settlements in Lusatia under the rule of Prince Derwan, an ally of Samo. At the turn of the 10th century, the Sorbs came under the influence of the Great Moravia (822–895), which adopted Christianity as early as the 9th century(831), and then Bohemia (895–1018), and from 1002 Poland (Christian since 965) tried to take control over the area. Boleslaw I of Poland invaded Lusatia and won it in the Peace of Bautzen (1018). In the Reformation period, Sorbian peasants and common people massively supported the teachings of Martin Luther, although he was opposed to translating the Bible into Slavic. Evangelicalism proved to be beneficial for the Sorbian national culture. It influenced its revival and strengthening. The University of Wittenberg became Sorbian cultural center, with its rector between years 1559–1576 being a doctor of Sorbian origin – Kasper Pauker from Bautzen. What strengthened the Sorbian national identity at the turn of the 19th century was the activity of Moravian Church (seeking to transform Lutheranism in people’s church), which was then settled in Upper Lusatia in Herrnhut, Niesky and Kleinwelka. At the turn of the 20th century the number of Sorbs in Germany decreased to about 157 000 people, out of whom as many as 10 100 lived outside Lusatia (including 4147 in Saxony – but without Lower Lusatia, 2687 in Westphal ia, 1521 in Rhineland, 847 in Berlin and 898 in other areas of the German Empire). The language widely used in Lusatia was Sorbian with its Lower and Upper dialect. The basis of the national activities of the Sorbs in Germany was “Serbian House” founded on 26 September 1904 in Bautzen to serve as a library, museum, bank, bookshop and publisher. The outbreak of World War I in the summer of 1914 gave hope to the Slavs to establish their own countries.
RU
Славяне пришли из степей Восточной Европы на Балканский полуостров в первой половине тысячелетия после рождества Христова. В конце пятого и шестого веков некоторые из этих племен, ища новых мест для поселения, прибыли в районе между Эльбой и Одрой – занимая территорию заброшенную германскими племенами, которые переселились в Скандинавский полуостров – и назывались Вендами (Sorben). Южные славяне вторглись и поселился в Лужице и достигли реки Зале [Saale]. В Лужице (южное Полабье) в середине девятого века были почти 50 славянских городов, которых правитель, князь Дерван, признавал начальство Государства Само. А в конце девятого и десятого веков сербы нашлись под влиянием Великоморавской державы (822–895) – которая приняла христианство еще в девятом веке (831) и чешской (895–1018) – а с 1002 польское государство (христианское с 965 г.) пыталось взять контроль над территорией. Болеслав Храбрый отправлялся в Лужицу и получил их в Будишинском мире (1018). В период Реформации лужицкие крестьяне и городские плебеи массово высказались в пользу учения Евангелизм – это оказалась полезным для лужицкой национальной культуры. Он повлиял на возрождение и укрепление. Центром лужицкой культуры стал университет в Виттенберге, ректором которого в годы 1559–1576 был врач лужицкого происхождения Каспер Паукериз Баутцен. На укрепление лужицкого национального самосознания на рубеже восемнадцатого и девятнадцатого веков влияние имела деятельность братьев моравских (стремящихся превратить лютеранство в народную церковь), поселившихся в Верхней Лужицы в Охранове, Нижнем и Малом Велкове. На рубеже веков число лужичан в Германии снизилось до примерно 157 000 человек, из которых больше чем 10 100 проживали за пределами Лужицы (из которых 4147 в Саксонии – но без Нижней Лужицы, 2687 в Вестфалии, 1521 в Рейнланде, 847 в Берлине и 898 в других областях имперского германского рейха). На Лужице широко использовался лужицкий язык, прежде всего диалекты нижний и верхнелужицкий. Основой национальных деятельности лужичан в Германии был основан в 26 сентября 1904, в Баутцене – «Сербский дом», в котором находились библиотека, музей, народный банк, библиотека, издательство и типография. Начало пер вой мировой войны летом 1914 года было для славян надеждой на создание своего собственного национального государства.
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