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NÁSTIN KRITICKÉHO KONCEPTU TŘÍDY

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Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 5
554 – 578
EN
This essay reconstructs the critical notion of class. Firstly, it turns its attention to the methodological distinctiveness of critical theory and clarifies the key importance of Marx's critique of fetishized capitalist social forms in his sociological method. Secondly, it criticizes the sociological reconstructions of Marx's work that are unable to integrate his concept of class with his treatment of capitalist social objectivity. Thirdly, it shifts its focus to a contemporary interpretation of the critical concept of class in Bonefeld's work. Bonefeld derives the process of social constitution from Marx's theorization of primitive accumulation, which has left its imprint on capitalist conceptuality as such. On this basis, Bonefeld introduces a distinction between the affirmative and the critical concept of class. Finally, this essay, once again, stresses the interconnectedness and inseparability of the concepts of class and class struggle in critical theory and ponders their usage in the sociology of culture.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse an approach of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels to nationalism and related phenomena like nation-state, national movements, ethnicity and race. These two theoreticians are usually regarded founding-fathers of social sciences and their ideas influenced many contemporary thinkers. In the field of nationalism studies there is a group of scholars who attempt to develop Marxist theory of nationalism. Marxism had also enormous impact on politics in many countries in the 20th century. The communists governments had to deal with nationalism which was their main ideological rival. It is argued in the article that the writings of Marx and Engels did not provide any systematic and comprehensive approach to nationalism. There were various and contradictory trends in their writings on nationalism. It is usually said that Marx and Engels had no understanding of the significance of nationalism, and underestimated its strength. Their central thesis was that the essential division in society was not horizontal but vertical, i.e. not between nations but between classes. However, although they were usually critical of nationalist ideas, they were not immune to nationalism. Frequently, they took the nation for granted or exaggerated its significance in their analysis. Moreover, the nation was sometimes defined in biological terms. Occasionally, they spoke of different races whose capacities were determined by their anatomical features and claimed that some races were superior over the others.
EN
Chapter II of Borbone’s book addresses Nowak’s innovative views and reconstruction of the methods used in Marx’s economic works, namely, Marx’s delineation of the law of value, as well as Marx’s explanation based on this law as performed by the method of gradual concretization. In Chapter III, Borbone provides a comparison of Nowak’s approach to scientific laws and scientific explanation with that of Hempel. From that comparison Nowak’s approach comes out as superior to that of Hempel due to the former’s ability to reconstruct laws containing equations, the possibility to address the issue of the explanation of a scientific law from other scientific laws, as well as a more fine-grained view on the very nature scientific explanation.
EN
Li Zehou ranks amongst the most influential contemporary Chinese philosophers and theorists. After the Tian An Men incident, he was forced to immigrate to the USA, where sadly he passed away last November. His philosophy has often – and mostly against his own will - been compared to the work of numerous Western theoreticians. Remaining mainly loyal to the conceptual framework of early Marxist historical materialism, he was simultaneously influenced by the works of Kant, Hegel, Heidegger, the Frankfurt School, Lukács, Piaget, Lacan, Sartre, Althusser, Habermas and others. In spite of this colourful palette of different influences, his work has most often been seen as being rooted in certain basic paradigms derived from the ones defining the thought of Marx on the one hand, and Kant on the other. Most of these comparisons were grounded in the assumption according to which the majority of Li’s theories were based upon insights derived from the philosophies of these two great European thinkers. On this basis, he developed several innovative approaches and new methods of anthropological philosophy; in this context, the present article focuses on his theory of the transformation of the empirical into the transcendental.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2023
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vol. 78
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issue 9
760 – 776
EN
In my paper, I use Jon Stewart’s recent analysis of the relationship between Hegel’s and Marx’s philosophy concerning the issues of alienation and recognition as a starting point for tackling the issue of alienation within civil society. I present key issues in Hegel’s presentation of civil society in the Philosophy of Right and Marx’s critique of this presentation. I argue that although both accounts are deficient, together they eloquently present the contradictory features of civil society once it attains political character. Ultimately, I concur with Stewart’s thesis about the long-term Hegelian influence, and I argue that the rival explanations of civil society of Hegel and Marx are still revealing even today and can significantly contribute to self-understanding within contemporary liberal democracy.
EN
Some authors think we live in post-ideological times. It’s possible, however, in legacy of Lenin and Marks, to lose this certainty. In preface and afterword of „Revolution at the Gates” Slavoj Žižek argues that Lenin is the most important thinker for the contemporaneity. The most crucial period of his life was between two revolutions, in February and October of 1917. Today — Slovenian intellectual believes — we also live in crucial period. For us, our February was the decline of the Soviet Union. Our October is, however, placed somewhere in the future, and — as such — unknown. In such situation we should be like Lenin between the revolutions. We should follow his pattern and act like he did, fight. The only weapon we have is our pencil. The ammunition we should use in fight for the future are Marx writings. In this paper I try to show the importance of Žižek for our thinking about present times in capitalistic world. Maybe indeed we should change it, or — at least — try to undermine, in our thinking, the present “natural” state of things?
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