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EN
The author tries to define social and cultural conditions for the formation of the basic idea of the rule of law concept, which is a limitation of the royal power by the law. He says that this basic idea arose in England and Scandinavian kingdoms because here the two main factors weakening the royal power met: a tension between a secular authority and the church and an outliving tradition of a military democracy in which a relation between a prince (a military leader) and his warriors was conditional and contractual. On the contrary, a Roman idea of an unrestricted authority of emperors was weak in these lands. A development of legal and philosophical thinking helped to describe such a situation also from a theoretical point of view. An original struggle between nobility and commons defending legal restriction of royal authority and – on the opposite side - monarchs stressing their own sovereignty and superiority over law continues also today – in a discussion on mutual relations between the State and citizens.
Asian and African Studies
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2004
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vol. 13
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issue 1
1 - 27
EN
This study treates the last phase of the Hashimite monarchy In Iraq, where from 1941 until the 1958 revolution, Nuri as-Sa´id Pasha either headed or controlled most government coalitions. After World War II he tried to make a long term agreement with Great Britain by means of a new Anglo-Iraqi Treaty but so vehement were public demonstrations against it that the treaty was never ratified. The Arab defeat in Palestine war of 1948 had serious political and economic repercussions in Iraq. The defeat gave the regime the opportunity to impose martial law on the country. Nuri as-Sa´id continued his traditional pro-British policy and, in 1955, aligned Iraq with the Western defence system through the Baghdad Pact, extending British military privileges in the country. Failures in domestic affairs were matched by foreign policy failures. The new alliance with the West achieved through relentless domestic suppression only served to intensify the desire for independence and the nationalist sentiments. The opposition succeeded in bringing the regime down in 1958.
EN
The study presents the results of new research on the relationship between the towns and the monarch or the state in the period of re-Catholicization, especially in the second half of the 17th century. At the parliament of 1604, the Hungarian aristocracy already protested against the Rudolfine Counter-Reformation and there was also strong opposition in the free royal boroughs. The argumentation was based on the statement that according to Hungarian general law, the towns 'do not belong to the king but to the crown'. At first, re-Catholicization efforts were hindered by a lack of qualified, educated and propertied Catholics, who could hold office in the towns. There was a similar problem with appointment of parish priests in the towns. The author corrects the familiar statements, especially of older historiography, which identified the Reformation with the national party and the Catholic side with the Habsburgs, the Vienna court and the Hungarian Catholic 'anti-nationally' oriented nobility, and points to the complexity of the problem, and to the fact that the economic decline of the early modern towns is not a logical result of the weakened authority of town administrations, but of a whole complex of influences.
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75%
Annales Scientia Politica
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
69 – 84
EN
The aim of this paper is to compare the attitude of Australia and Canada to Commonwealth Realms and (British) monarchy. Commonwealth Realms is unofficial group consisting of 16 states which share Queen Elisabeth II. as their Head of State. Even though it is very difficult to identify the exact attitudes of citizens and politicians to this political arrangement in the countries mentioned above, it is possible to observe at least some tendencies. The question of republicanism is very closely related to this topic. Therefore, it is included as a part of the analysis in the presented text.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2014
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vol. 69
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issue 9
725 – 736
EN
The article is a contribution to the discussion about the methodology of the historiography of so-called “national philosophy”. The author´s thesis is that the history of national philosophies (especially those of the 19th century) should be seen in the context of the Monarchy, while abandoning the conceptual apparatus of the traditional positivist comparative approach. This material serves to show the way the concepts like centre/periphery, subaltern position, subversion, containment, canon, pretext/post-text, transformation and imitation are being used today. In conclusion, different developments in Austrian, Czech, Hungarian, Slovak and Polish philosophies of 19th century come to the foreground.
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