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EN
The paper deals with the changing image of Montenegro and the Montenegrins in Czech society since the outbreak of the Balkan Wars (1912) until the final days of interwar Czechoslovakia (1938). It is based on an interpretation of a wide range of Czech-language sources, from travellogues, encyclopedia and memoirs to novels and poetry. In the given period, Czech images of Montenegro underwent many transformations, mostly in reaction to radical political changes (Balkan Wars, First World War, creation of independent Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia). At the same time, traditional images of Montenegrins as heroic Slavic warriors as well as Orientalist stereotypes continued to surface as well. After 1918, the images of Montenegro and the Montenegrins in Czech sources appeared much less frequently than during the several decades preceding 1914. The author concludes that the main reason for the construction of positive images of the Montenegrins in Czech society - to strengthen the cause of national mobilization by examples of bravery borrowed from another Slavic land - largely disappeared after the creation of independent Czechoslovakia in 1918. Consequently, the images of Montenegro and the Montenegrins became increasingly marginal in Czech interwar discourses.
EN
This paper analyses the changing representations of Montenegro and its political scene on the pages of the Slovansky prehled (The Slavonic Review), a Czech monthly magazine before the First World War. Before 1905, the paper presented a traditionalist, romantic vision of Montenegro as a poor but happy land of heroic Slavic warriors, personified in the fatherly figure of its ruler, Prince Nikola. After the first Montenegrin constitution introduced parliamentarian regime in 1905, the new political tensions were reflected in an increasingly critical coverage of that country and especially Prince Nikola, whose autocratic rule was presented as an obstacle on the road to democracy after 1906-1907.
EN
Introducing common currency has got as many opponents as advocates. However, introducing common currency with unilateral euroisation is not discussed so much, because this procedure can be successful only in the specific environment - the economy must be relatively small but open, it should have experienced hyperinflation and obtain relatively low seniorage income and has high foreign reserves. The article is aimed at presenting positive effects of unilateral euroisation and their influence on the economies in countries which are not members of European Union - Kosovo and Montenegro.
EN
The article makes an overview of the groups labelled as Gypsy/Roma and minority policies related to Roma in present day of Montenegro. It discusses how – in view of the processes in the region and in the course of the state’s EU-integration –the top-down approach of adopting definitions centred on the terms “Roma and Egyptians” and “Roma” have influenced the state politics of identity regarding supporting and promoting new identities, as well as reinforcing the label “Roma” and “Romani” for all communities considered of common (Gypsy/Roma) origin. Further on, the impact of EU-integration discourse on legislation and setting up Romani and Egyptian organizations is discussed within the public policies sector. Finally, I discuss initiatives and resources for publishing in Romani language in a country where a great part of the groups considered being of Romani origin speak another language as a mother tongue. My main argument is that the minority protection EU-conditionality and the special focus on the rights of the Roma, have led to an “import” of Roma issues for “solving”, along with copy-pasting of activities that supposedly aim to flag Romani identity and language even though neither Romani identity nor Romani language are characteristic for all communities labelled as “Roma”.
EN
This article tries to make an analysis of a rather special political and historical phenomenon: unique relationship between Montenegro and Russia as it evolved during a period of three centuries. This connection can be described as one between a dwarf and a giant, an asymmetrical relationship with an ideological as well as a pragmatic dimension that was attractive for both parties. The origin of direct Montenegrin-Russian relations can be found in the early years of the eighteenth century, the era of Peter the Great and of a new stage in Montenegrin political history and state consolidation. This ‘founding period’ has to be paid particular attention, in order to understand the relationship that followed. In the special political and cultural conditions of an increasingly expansionist Montenegro, the ‘cult of Russia’ emerged as an ideological, but also functional, ritual to reinforce Montenegro’s efforts to survive and to become a more important factor in the western Balkans region. But the tiny principality was dependent on the vagaries of international politics and Russian policy. The dwarf aspired to be a little Russia and to emulate the giant. A clear definition of friend and foe and a policy of territorial expansion were seen as part of this. On the level of national-cultural identity this led to a politicisation of the Orthodox faith. In the ideological sphere it also meant the building of a mythical past to legitimise an expansionist ethos of often-irresponsible dimensions.
EN
This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918-1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore.
EN
The goal of the paper is to identify the stereotypes and images of the others in travelogues written by little-known Slovak Vojvodina writer Jozef Holúbek (1883 – 1956), to help to research the genre as well as to extend the knowledge of his life and work. The concept of stereotype is currently a subject of interdisciplinary research, and therefore producing a unifying definition of it is quite a challenging task. On the one hand, stereotype does not have an exclusively negative meaning and is defined as an important cognitive function. On the other hand, it is explained as bait for generalisations, a predictable way of writing (talking) about the others, in the postcolonial conceptions also as atool of power and supremacy. The research of stereotypes and ideas about other nations also includes travel literature. The paper focuses on analysis of the stereotypes and ideas about the history, culture and tradition of Montenegro in the early 20th century in the travelogues by J. Holúbek titled Cesta na Čiernu Horu/Journey to Montenegro (1902) and Na Čiernej Hore/In Montenegro (1903). The stereotypes and ideas of the others are analysed there with the help of Zoran Konstantinović´s findings saying that the image of the other, different and strange inevitably presents the image of the person searching for the other, different and strange. The other methodological impulses include the genre transition from the margin to the centre of attention of literary scientific research, interdisciplinary propositions of imagology, postcolonial studies and reception of the genre in the Slovak context. Travelogue is seen as a hybrid genre form of fluctuating borders which changes under the influence of dominant elements in individual texts, which also affects the function of the text. J. Holúbek´s travelogues feature this hybrid nature in terms of genre and diversity in terms of style. They interconnect esthetical and exploratory functions of travelogue narration. The writer´s approach to stereotypes, his broad educational, cultural background as well as the writings themselves reveal him anew as a noteworthy figure of Slovak-language Lowland literature.
EN
The authors are focusing on how Montenegro today is coming to terms with the task of becoming a modern European nation, which implies recognition not only of democracy, the rule of law, and so forth, but also of a degree of ‘multiculturalism’, that is recognition of the existence of cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities in a society that is dominated by a Slavic Orthodox majority. In his context they are analyzing the history of the struggle of the Montenegrin people against a host of foreign invaders – after they had ceased to be invaders themselves – and especially their apparently consistent refusal to accept Ottoman sovereignty over their homeland seemed to make them the most remarkable freedom fighters imaginable and led to the creation of a special Montenegrin image in Europe. This image of heroic stubbornness and unique martial bravery was even consciously cultivated in Western and Central Europe from the early nineteenth century onwards, as the Greeks, the Serbs, the Montenegrins and other Balkan peoples began to resist the Ottoman Empire in a more effective way and the force of Romantic nationalism began to influence the whole of Europe, from German historians to British politicians, and also including Montenegrin and Serbian poets themselves. The authors of this essay carried out an improvised piece of investigation into current conditions, attitudes, and feelings on both the Albanian and the Slavic-Montenegrin side.
EN
This essay argues that Boka Kotorska, Montenegro’s Gulf of Kotor region, can be conceptualised as a political, cultural, and religious border region where ‘East’ and ‘West’, the Orthodox and Catholic worlds, encountered each other and overlapped over a long period of time. There were various political and economic actors involved in this historical process of rivalry and co-existence, including Byzantium, Venice, Serbia, the Ottoman Empire, and Montenegro and its predecessors Duklja and Zeta. The Gulf of Kotor became a region where a large number of Catholic and Italian-influenced settlements sprung up, although the Orthodox population appears to have constituted a majority of the population even in Venetian and Austrian-controlled territory between the Late Middle Ages and the early twentieth century. Patterns of co-existence in the town of Kotor and elsewhere did not prevent the emergence of religious and political conflict on many occasions. But these contradictory aspects of rivalry and co-existence balanced each other during most of the long period that the Gulf of Kotor region had a certain political, economic, and cultural importance. This may contribute to our understanding of the dynamics of larger and smaller European border regions and of European history as a whole. In a micro-region like Boka Kotorska destructive confrontation and constructive interpenetration can be observed as a long-term process.
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Interpretace dějin Černé Hory na prahu 21. století

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EN
The paper focuses on different interpretations of Montenegrin history after 2000. It is primarily dedicated to the new surveys of this country´s history published in the first decade of the 21st century, mostly in close connection to the post-Yugoslav process of nation-building which culminated in 2006 by the declaration of independence. Critical comparative analysis of works by Thomas Fleming, Živko Andrijašević, Šerbo Rastoder, Elizabeth Roberts and Kenneth Morrison is conducted in a wider context of recent historiographical production on different periods of the history of Montenegro, Yugoslavia and the Balkans.
EN
Municipality of Kotor, since 1420 part of the Republic of Venice, was in the sense of ecclesiastical administration a vast diocese. The bishop of Kotor had because of former position of Kotor in the realm of Nemanjić´s dynasty jurisdiction over catholic parishes in the territory of Serbia at that time. Those parishes developed in the places of the mines and centres, where were concentrated merchants and mining specialist from the catholic areas. However, expanding the Osmans, the centres were on the decline and catholic minority in the situation of growing pression of Osmans began to migrate of change the religion. Big extent of diocesis, as well as political situation and heavy position of Kotor were the cause of impossibility to administrate the diocesis as it should be. The ties with the Dalmatian and Venetian Albanian coast went weakening. At the end of the XVI. century, the title primas Serbiae, reservated for the bishop of Kotor, was only blank concept. This article introduces this slowly process based on the testimonies of archives in Kotor and others
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