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„Qui de commodo Reipublice consulere voluerunt”. Posłowie ziemscy na sejm walny piotrkowski 1533 roku

100%
Jaworski R.
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EN
The subject of the article are issues related to the composition of the deputies’ chamber during the Piotrków General Sejm operating from 20 January to 12 February 1533. Delegates from the Poznań and Kalisz regional councils were not elected to this Sejm, which resulted in the refusal of some deputies to take part in the Sejm and their departure from Piotrków. The legitimacy and agency of the deputies’ chamber (and hence the parliament) was questioned in a situation in which the law obtained binding force only upon the consent of all voivodships or lands. The article discusses the method of overcoming the crisis (sessions of the deputy chamber of parliament in a limited composition, and then sending the law passed by the parliament to specially convened parliamentary assemblies for lands that did not adopt parliamentary resolutions). On the basis of previously unknown bills for the payment of flat-rate remuneration for the participation in the work of parliament from the resources of the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw, a list of deputies who participated in the work of the truncated Chamber of Deputies was compiled. Two fragments of bills were also issued in the form of an annex, providing information on payments from the Crown Treasury to senators from the Masovian voivodship taking part in the sessions of the Sejm and delegates of the post-Sejm assemblies who brought to Cracow resolutions adopting the constitutions of the Piotrków Sejm.
2
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„Qui de commodo Reipublice consulere voluerunt”. Posłowie ziemscy na sejm walny piotrkowski 1533 roku

100%
Jaworski R.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2019
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vol. 84
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issue 2
151-170
EN
The subject of the article are issues related to the composition of the deputies’ chamber during the Piotrków General Sejm operating from 20 January to 12 February 1533. Delegates from the Poznań and Kalisz regional councils were not elected to this Sejm, which resulted in the refusal of some deputies to take part in the Sejm and their departure from Piotrków. The legitimacy and agency of the deputies’ chamber (and hence the parliament) was questioned in a situation in which the law obtained binding force only upon the consent of all voivodships or lands. The article discusses the method of overcoming the crisis (sessions of the deputy chamber of parliament in a limited composition, and then sending the law passed by the parliament to specially convened parliamentary assemblies for lands that did not adopt parliamentary resolutions). On the basis of previously unknown bills for the payment of flat-rate remuneration for the participation in the work of parliament from the resources of the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw, a list of deputies who participated in the work of the truncated Chamber of Deputies was compiled. Two fragments of bills were also issued in the form of an annex, providing information on payments from the Crown Treasury to senators from the Masovian voivodship taking part in the sessions of the Sejm and delegates of the post-Sejm assemblies who brought to Cracow resolutions adopting the constitutions of the Piotrków Sejm.
3
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Argumentacja filozoficznoprawna w wystąpieniach posłów na posiedzeniach Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej VIII kadencji

100%
Maroń G.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2021
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issue 1(162)
59-81
EN
The article approximates and critically assesses the philosophical and legal argumentation of deputies contained in their speeches at the sittings of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland of the 8th term (2015–2019). It discusses cases where parliamentarians, among other things, referred to the assumptions of particular philosophical-legal schools; commented on the essence, features, goals and values of law; argued about the optimal degree of positivisation of moral norms; quoted philosophers. The study revealed the influ-ence of the party affiliation of MPs on their philosophical and legal argumentation. Deputies of the Law and Justice Party more often than others referred in their speeches to the axiology of law and natural law, emphasized the importance of justice and equity in the process of enacting and applying the law, and underlined the role of social legitimacy of normative acts and court rulings. On the other hand, MPs belonging to the parliamentary opposition — especially the Civic Platform and the Modern Party members — high-lighted the formal rule of law, opposed bills perceived as moralistic and confessional, and sought in justice and equity as the criteria for judgements the sources of excessive judicial discretion that threatened legal certainty and security. In the author’s view, the broadly understood philosophy of law has a utilitarian value for the parliamentary debate. It is desirable, however, that MPs’ re-marks of a philosophical and legal nature should be part of factual argumentation, and not reduced to superficial rhetoric or linguis-tic ornamentation.
4
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Sté výročí vzniku první československé ústavy

51%
Broklová E.
Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)
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2020
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vol. 159
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issue 2
89-108
EN
The first part of this article compares the 1920 Czechoslovak constitution to the constitutions of Republic of Austria and the German Weimar Republic. The second part deals with the views president Masaryk held in constitutional matters. The third part offers a detailed analysis of the first Czechoslovak Constitution. Constitutional differences between states are caused by different history, tradition and political culture. Direct presidential election which the Constitution of Weimar Republic provided for caused the weakening of the role of the Parliament. Contrary to that the presidential status in the 1920 Czechoslovak constitution did not endanger the position of the Parliament despite the fact the president had the right of suspensive veto as in the American presidential system which would enable him to make major decision without the consent of the parliament. On contrary to other new states in Central Europe, which had an unstable multi-party system, the Czechoslovakia succeeded in building a stable multi-party system. The establishment of local governments reflected the complex nationality structure and in particular the disloyalty of certain minorities to the Republic. The result was a rather decentralized public administrative, based on the French model rather than on the idea of self-government. Two thirds of the local representatives were elected.
CS
Text ke stému výročí schválení československé ústavy. Rozdíly v ústavách jednotlivých států souvisejí s tradicemi a politickou kulturou společností. Tak tomu bylo ve třech zemích střední Evropy. Přímá volba prezidenta v německé ústavě vyjadřovala tendenci k zeslabení moci parlamentu. Prezidentova pozice v ČSR neohrožovala absolutním a suspenzivním vetem funkce parlamentu. Tím se ČSR jevilo jako pozoruhodná výjimka. Rakouská ústava byla věnována převážně výstavbě spolku. Tzv. listina svobod byla v československé ústavě vysoce hodnocena. Československá ústava plně odpovídala mírové smlouvě saintgermainské. Přesto bylo Československu vytýkáno, že nesplnilo slib švýcarizace. Prezident Masaryk i další politikové soudili, že „dobrá ústava musí být doplněná dobrou politikou“. Hned při projednávání ústavy bylo dohodnuto, aby žádné ustanovení neproklamovalo nový stát jako stát nacionální.
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