Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 4

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  MUSSOLINI
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1

Faszyzm a prawo. Głos w dyskusji

100%
Sondel J.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
|
2011
|
vol. 33
355–379
EN
Adolf Hitler, who after the unsuccessful Munich Putsch of 1923 had changed his tactics and gained power by legal means after being appointed the Chancellor of the Reich on the 30th of January 1933 by the President Paul von Hindenburg, began the implementation of his party’s program but at the start of his rule he attempted to maintain a pretense of legalism. However, over time, he progressively attached less importance to this guise which was made possible by the declaration — by the President’s decree for the protection of the nation and state (February 28, 1933) — of the state of emergency which in fact was never formally revoked. The above-mentioned decree was for Hitler an extraordinarily useful instrument in his pursuit for incapacitation of state’s legal institutions and for seizure of dictatorial power. It was also observable in the realm of law in which there happened a Draconian aggravation of criminal penalties, a rejection of the most fundamental rule of legalism concerning the inadmissibility of the retroactivity of legal rules, a creation of Popular Tribunals and special courts, an extermination — in the majesty of law — of Jewish population and of feeble-minded persons, etc. In the sphere of civil law the interest of the state was considered to possess an absolute priority over individual rights which ultimately led to the disappearance of the boundaries between public and private law. The Italian Fascism was comparatively less harsh in its policies. Though it also accepted the employment of terror against political opponents as a way of governing, it never applied this method on as large a scale as it was done in the Third Reich. Benito Mussolini, the leader of the Fascist Italy, openly expressed his disapproval of Nazi’s undertakings towards Polish state in 1939; he also vigorously attempted to secure a release of the Jagiellonian University professors arrested and imprisoned on the 6th of November 1939 during Sonderaktion Krakau. At the same time, the Italian Fascists extolled the achievements of the ancient Rome — also in the field of law — which was a complete and utter anathema to Nazis who opposed Roman law on the most fundamental level. The fight against this law was considered by the latter to be one of their essential political principles, as evidenced by the 19th point of the NSDAP program adopted on the 24th of February 1920. This position of German ideologues also found its reflections in literature, particularly in a short story written by Louis Aragon and titled Roman law has ceased to exist and in poetic works of Mieczysław Jastrun, which anyway provide an excellent commentary on the abovementioned doctrinal propositions of the Nazi party.
2

Włoski faszyzm w interpretacjach polskich socjalistów (1922–1939)

100%
Marszał M.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
|
2011
|
vol. 33
99-119
EN
During the interwar period in the European states, the Apeninian Peninsula raised a particular interest among the continent’s inhabitants. It was a target of a well-developed tourist movement which was reinforced by religious and scientifi c-and-cultural motivations. For many intellectuals of various political persuasions, Italy — with its both ancient and Christian traditions — provided important mental stimuli. Apart from these elements, one additional significant factor appeared after 1922: the fascination and concern caused by the emergence of a new and previously unknown anywhere political phenomenon i.e. Italian Fascism. Polish publicists, politicians and lawyers also did not hesitate to offer their opinions on the shaping of Fascism in Italy. Moreover, in the Polish political, lawyerly and journalistic debate during the interwar period there appeared many — oftentimes quite penetrating and original — works interpreting both the ideology of Benito Mussolini and the practical operation of the system created by Il Duce. Among numerous political and legal interpretations of Italian Fascism, there also appeared studies and analyses made by Polish socialists who repeatedly vocalized their views on the issue in the press. The subject of this paper is the presentation of the opinions of Polish intellectuals of socialist provenance on the new political and social-andeconomic system introduced in Italy by Benito Mussolini. Describing the attitude of Polish socialists towards Italian Fascism, it has to be concluded that it was far more critical than the one exhibited by other political parties in the Second Polish Republic (with the exception of communists). From the beginning Polish socialist movement considered Mussolini’s project as contradictory to democratic and parliamentarian principles and exhibiting clear ideological anti-socialist undertones. It is worth underlining that many of these interpretations — for instance the one proposed by Aleksander Hertz — were similar to the judgments made by the post-war researchers of totalitarianism.
3

Doktryna faszyzmu w ujęciu polskiego solidaryzmu według myśli prawnej Leopolda Caro

88%
Fiktus P.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
|
2011
|
vol. 33
239-250
EN
Analyzing the works of Polish solidarists, we can find many references to other — sometimes mutually exclusive — ideological currents. However, as far as the economic aspects of the solidarist doctrine are concerned, we can easily detect especially strong connections with corporatism which was also repeatedly referred to by representatives of Italian Fascism. The principal ideologue of Polish solidarism — Professor Leopold Caro — perceived corporatism as a so-called “Third Way,” constituting the ideological alternative positioned between liberalism and socialism. In all his most important works — such as Thoughts of a Japanese on Poland, Solidarism, New Ways or Towards New Poland — he repeatedly made approving references to Italian Fascism or to Benito Mussolini. His main analysis of the phenomenon of Fascism can however be found in the publication titled Social and Economic Reforms of Fascism. The most important element of the analysis of Fascism as presented by Leopold Caro was the comparison of this Italian doctrine with socialism, and particularly liberalism, regarding the issue of social and economic rights in the context of labor relations. Analyzing the social-and-economic policies undertaken by Benito Mussolini, Leopold Caro pointed out their dualist character, involving, on one hand, gaining the approval of the group of leading industrialists (right after the conclusion of military hostilities when the specter of Communist revolution was seemingly looming), and, on the other, exerting a pressure on the industrialists in order to force them to recognize social rights. Another issue, which was approvingly acknowledged by the Polish solidarist, concerned the separation of economic aspects in which there existed a possibility of governmental intervention with simultaneous protection and development of private initiatives. Attempting to transplant Italian solutions onto Polish ground, Leopold Caro finally concluded that it is currently impossible to achieve due to the fact Polish society was simply not prepared for such radical changes and required substantial transformation before they could take place.
4

„Rewolucja faszystowska” w interpretacji Władysława Jabłonowskiego

88%
Kiwior-Filo M.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
|
2011
|
vol. 33
79-97
EN
The interpretation of Fascism with regard to the origins of this phenomenon undertaken by Władysław Jabłonowski (1865–1956) — prominent literary critic, journalist and political activist, one of the co-founders of National Democracy — which was presented in the collection of his refl ections titled Amica Italia (published in 1926), was in basic agreement with the opinions of many renowned historiographers of the period who saw the seeds of the Fascist movement in the 19th-century nationalism and in social dissatisfaction resulting from peace treaties after World War I (the myth of crippled victory) and from Italian politics of later years. For Władysław Jabłonowski, “Fascist revolution” was the most significant process happening in Italy during the interwar period. It succeeded thanks to power, force, ardor, belief and participation of the huge multitudes of Italian citizens. It became a symbol of social order, erected upon nationalist ideas appropriated and incorporated by the Fascist movement. According to Jabłonowski, Fascism efficiently resisted international socialism and communism, simultaneously offering an alternative to democracy. New movement overcame stagnation of parliamentarianism, proposing efficient rule personified by Benito Mussolini whom Jabłonowski perceived as the leader of the revolution and statesman of great standing. “Fascist revolution,” being a combination of various factors, like nationalist ideology as a leading concept, national myth created by Fascism, active support of the masses, and “undeniable leadership” of Mussolini, saved Italy — in Jabłonowski’s opinion — from anarchy. Not hiding his pro-Fascist attitude, Jabłonowski was convinced that Fascism as a movement of “youthful and energetic elements that await action and enjoy struggle” will not desist its revolution until all of its opponents are forced to capitulate completely.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.