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EN
After gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine – the young state – needed elements, which could reinforce and consolidate social cohesion of divided nation. Official historical policy, promoted especially by the government of Viktor Yushchenko, was based on a mythologized history of Kievan Rus’, the extreme nationalist organization, i.e. OUN, UPA and the Ukrainian and Cossacks folklore. Authors based their article on an analysis of texts, websites and monitoring of Ukrainian media. Article shows the process of forming a new political mythology of Ukraine after the Orange Revolution, 2013–2014 Maidan unrest and current events in eastern Ukraine. Authors state that Maidan events have become the core of modern Ukraine’s political mythology, its founding myth, which constitutes a crucial element of Ukrainian national identity.
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2016
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vol. 18
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issue 2
5-39
EN
Ukrainian lands in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have been in proximity of great geopolitical changes several times. During that time the Ukrainian nation – due to various factors – encountered a number of “windows of opportunity” for achieving the realization of dreams about independence and national sovereignty. The author identified in the period considered four “general moments,” of which two have been completed successfully. The first of these occurred in 1990–1991, when for the first time in modern history, Ukrainians managed to achieve a lasting and relatively stable independence. The second of the “moments” – still unresolved – are events that began in the late autumn of 2013. The process, called “Revolution of Dignity”, represents a new quality in the history of the Ukrainian nation, therefore, that the Ukrainians have to defend the status quo (independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty, etc.) but not to seek to achieve an independent being. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the ability of Ukrainians to achieve and maintain independence is largely a function of the relative power of the Russian state as measured with respect to the shape and quality of international relations.
EN
The article is raising the refugees issue in reference to the poem Ukraine Hotel by Bohdan Zadura, published in his book Final touch (2014). The poem was written as a spontaneous reaction on the pacification of the Maidan in Kiev in February 2014. Therefore the author of the article is sketching wide contextual background, she recalls reportages, essays and interviews which explain the core of the conflict. The article collects materials useful during school lessons asking the questions: who is (or who can be) a refugee and if I am ready to welcome such a person under my roof?
PL
Tekst podejmuje problem uchodźczy w odniesieniu do wiersza Bohdana Zadury Hotel Ukraina z tomu Kropka nad i (2014). Wiersz został napisany jako spontaniczna reakcja na pacyfikację kijowskiego Majdanu w lutym 2014, dlatego autorka szkicuje szerokie tło kontekstowe, przywołując reportaże, eseje i rozmowy, które przybliżają sedno konfliktu. Tekst gromadzi zatem materiały do lekcji na temat: kim jest (lub może być) uchodźca i czy ja sam(a) jestem gotowy(a) przyjąć taką osobę pod swój dach?
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Majdan: rewolucja po ukraińsku

63%
Zoon Politikon
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2016
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issue 7
115-134
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę znalezienia odpowiedzi na szereg powiązanych ze sobą pytań dotyczących ruchu protestu, jaki miał miejsce na Ukrainie pod koniec 2013 r. i na początku 2014 r., a także oceny jego głównych konsekwencji: kto i w jakim celu uczestniczył w wydarzeniach, w jaki sposób te grupy były zorganizowane, jakie cele udało się osiągnąć, a jakie zostały odsunięte w czasie. Opracowanie opiera się przede wszystkim na socjologicznych metodach ilościowych, niemniej bierze również pod uwagę szereg czynników psychologicznych i antropologicznych. Odrębnie przeanalizowana została rola sieci społecznościowych i środków komunikacji Web 2.0.
EN
The aim of the article is to find aswers to a number of questions on protests in Ukraine at the end of 2013 and at the beginning of 2014: who and what for took part in the protests, how the groups of opponetst were organised; what golas were reached and which were postponed? The article is based on sociological quantitative methods, but also on psychological and antropological factors. The role of social networks and means of commmuncation Web 2.0 is also analized.
UK
Праця присвячена проблемі наявності теми війни у сценічних реалізаціях сучасного українського театру. Авторка коротко описує включення українських подій у вистави польських режисерів і протиставляє їм сучасну українську драму та деякі проекти покоління молодих українських творців. На основі аналізу драм Ворожбит, Юрова, Ар’є та режисерських робіт Брами, Театру Переселенця і фрік-кабаре Dakh Daughters показано безліч нарративів та перспектив, наявних у структурі та формі тексту З точки зору українців, війна не несе ознак розповіді-оповідання, а привертає увагу до більш складних проблем українського суспільства.
EN
Starting with a brief description of the representation of Ukrainian topics in plays directed by Poles, the author puts Polish theatre in contrast with the contemporary Ukrainian drama and stage projects presented by the youngest generation of Ukrainian artists. Focusing on plays by Vorozhbyt, Jurov, and Arie, as well as directorial projects-concepts of Brama, Displaced Theatre or the freak-cabaret Dakh Daughters, the author tries to show the diversity of narratives and perspectives of the textual and formal forms. According to Ukrainians, the war is not a narrative story, but it brings attention to some more complex problems of the Ukrainian society.
PL
The issues touched upon in the article concern the impact of the “supernatural” element in re-defining the Ukrainians’ identity during and after the Revolution of Dignity, including the merger of the events’ casualties with the image of an angel hero fighting under the leadership of Archangel Michael against the Yanukovych regime. It instigated the process of the mythologizing victims, whose souls – according to collective imagination – composed the Nebesna Sotnya waging war against evil from the heavens above, while at the same time protecting the living. The community commenced the said re-definition of identity, among others, by referring the initiation hero’s journey, who first fought at Maidan, then proceeded to the battlefield of war, while still remaining under the “supernatural” protection. Moreover, mystical signs only reinforced the rightfulness of taking up the challenge and the righteousness of the very idea.
EN
This research proposes the comparative analysis of the symbolic representations of Maidan in the Ukrainian and Polish media outlets that comprise tabloid and quality publications. Different types of symbols are identified in the news analysis, reports, and feature stories on Maidan. The typology of symbols is worked out on the basis of the Cassirer’s philosophy of symbolic forms and Langer’s symbol theory. The coded types of symbols include symbol-products, symbol-concepts, symbol-slogans, symbol-situations, symbol-processes, and symbolic actions. With the help of the content analysis it is found that some most visible symbols in the media coverage of Maidan coincide in the Ukrainian and Polish print media. These are the symbol-concept “barricade”, the symbol-concept “Berkut”, and the symbol-process “dispersal of Maidan”. However, there are symbols that have either quantitative or qualitative significance in the Polish press and are absent in the Ukrainian media at all, namely, the symbol-product “blood”, the symbol-concept “solidarity”, the symbol-concept “freedom”.
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono wyniki analizy porównawczej reprezentacji symbolicznych Majdanu w prasie ukraińskiej oraz polskiej, w tym reprezentacji obecnych zarówno w tabloidach, jak i w tygodnikach opinii. Przedmiotem badania stały się różne typy symboli (tj. symbole-produkty, symbole-koncepty, symbole-slogany, symbole-sytuacje, symbole-procesy, działania symboliczne), wyodrębnione w oparciu o filozofię form symbolicznych Ernsta Cassirera oraz teorię symboli Susanne Langer, identyfikowane w reportażach i artykułach publicystycznych poświęconych wydarzeniom, jakie miały miejsce na Majdanie Niezależności w Kijowie w czasie Rewolucji Godności. Dzięki analizie zawartości tych tekstów udało się ustalić, że najbardziej widoczne symbole są, i w prasie ukraińskiej, i w prasie polskiej, podobne. Wśród nich należy wymienić: „barykadę” (symbol-koncept), „Berkut” (symbol-koncept), „rozpędzenie Majdanu” (symbol-proces). Ponadto w prasie polskiej dostrzeżono symbole, jak też idee i pojęcia je wyrażające, nieobecne w prasie ukraińskiej, w tym: „krew”, „solidarność” i „wolność”.
EN
The article is devoted to identifying key differences between Ukrainian and Russian political identities. It is ascertained that the basic parameters for Ukrainian political identity are individualism, rejection of the authoritarian principle, love of freedom, etc. The idea of freedom has been long embedded in the mentality of Ukrainian people. By contrast, as regards the Russian people (Muscovites) mentality, slavish obedience has long been considered a virtue. According to eyewitnesses, Muscovites considered deception to be a proof of great intelligence. They are not ashamed of lying. Ukrainian political identity representatives should not be expected to automatically submit to the authorities, as the reputation and legitimacy of the leader are important for them. Ukrainians can force an illegitimate official who is also acting illegally to relinquish the power. The bearers of Russia’s political identity are dominated by the need for a supreme leader who will make all important decisions on his own. This state of Russian political culture, where decision-making is delegated only to rulers, and the role of the population is to implement these decisions, is determined by long-standing practices of authoritarianism. Atomization, that is, the disunity of society, is one of the dominant features of Russia’s political identity nowadays. Due to the atomization of society and people being unable to trust each other, all sorts of significant protests or rallies in Russia are impossible.
PL
Czym jest Majdan po trzech latach od pamiętnego lutego 2014? Czy w Ukrainie jest przestrzeń dla obywatelskich działań zbiorowych? Jak można budować społeczeństwo cywilne, gdy kraj jest w stanie wojny, nazwanej ATO czyli „operacja antyterrorystyczna”? Punktem odniesienie analizy Majdanu jest ruch społeczny Solidarność opisany w kategoriach zaproponowanych przez Alain Touraine i jego zespół badawczy w 1981 roku. W artykule rozważany jest potencjał działania bezprzemocowego w środowisku weteranów ATO. Czy są gotowi współtworzyć niezależne i samorządne związki zawodowe na Ukrainie? Brak wymiaru robotniczego czy też związkowego jest zasadniczą różnicą pomiędzy ruchem społecznym Majdan a Solidarnością.
EN
The main question of the article concerns Maidan as a social movement three years after the February 2014. Is there still a room for citizen-oriented social actions? How is it possible to build an Ukrainian civil society at the state of war officially named ATO (“anti-terrorist operation”)? The frame of reference for Maidan analysis is the social movement Solidarity as described by Alain Touraine and his research team at 1981. Analysis is focused on the ATO veteran volunteers’ potential of social nonviolent activism. Are they ready to cooperate to construct an independent and self-governed trade unions? The lack of “workers dimension” or union dimension at Maidan movement makes difference if we compare it with Solidarity.
Świat i Słowo
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2014
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vol. 12
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issue (2)23
245-256
EN
During the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity the reassessment of social and cultural values is taking place . The current president, the government, the law enforcement agencies are subjected to pillory and humiliation by means of mass culture. At the same time, a new sakrum , i.e. symbols and values that embody the revolutionary ideals , is formed . One of the main symbols of the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity is the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko. Protesters use the portrait of Shevchenko and the poetic lines from his book “Kobzar”.The image of Shevchenko is sacralized , his poetry takes the function s of the Holy Script, the poet is seen as our contemporary. The f orm s of transference of the revolutionary creativity are posters, videos , which are broadcast in electronic form, as well as graffiti on the cities’ streets.
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2021
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vol. III
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issue 1 (7)
145-165
EN
The Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity was a space of extraordinary visual creativity, the analysis of which allows us to better understand its essence, as well as its social and political background. The article proposes the use of postcolonial theories, mainly based on the ideas of Frantz Fanon, Leela Gandhi and Homi Bhabha, as a tool for a better understanding of the visual sphere of the Maidan revolution. It is based on the dualism between the anti-colonial and nationalist character, and the post-colonial, hybrid character, as well as the potential of civil society and new subjectivity
PL
Ukraińska Rewolucja Godności była przestrzenią niezwykłej kreatywności wizualnej, której analiza pozwala lepiej zrozumieć jej istotę, jak również jej podłoże społeczne i polityczne. Artykuł proponuje użycie teorii postkolonialnych, opartych głównie na myśli Frantza Fanona, Leeli Gandhi i Homiego Bhabhy, jako narzędzia służącego lepszemu zrozumieniu sfery wizualnej rewolucji na Majdanie. Oparta jest ona na dualizmie pomiędzy charakterem antykolonialnym i nacjonalistycznym, oraz postkolonialnym, hybrydowym, bazujący na potencjale społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i nowej podmiotowości.
EN
The article presents both chronology of Dignity Revolution events (21 November 2013 – February 2014) and the role of Churches and Christian communities in the social-political changes in Ukraine, beginning with Maidan events to Crimean occupation and the war in Donbass. Moreover, the problem of religious extremism and persecution of Christians by the Russian occupation authorities on the territory of the South-East of Ukraine has been arisen.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia zarówno chronologię wydarzeń Rewolucji Godności na Ukrainie (21 listopada 2013 – luty 2014 roku), jak również ukazuje rolę Kościołów i Wspólnot chrześcijańskich w przemianach społeczno-politycznych na Ukrainie, poczynając od Majdanu, a kończąc na okupacji Krymu oraz wojnie w Donbasie. Ponadto w artykule został podjęty problem ekstremizmu religijnego oraz prześladowania chrześcijan przez rosyjskie władze okupacyjne na terenach Południowego-Wschodu Ukrainy.
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