Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 9

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Maoism
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Content available remote

Rola obozów letnich w radykalizacji norweskiego Socjalistycznego Związku Młodzieży w latach 1967-1969

100%
Gęsiarz M.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2022
|
issue 2 (383)
85-104
EN
The aim of this article is to examine the influence of summer camps on the radicalization process of the Socialist Youth League, which resulted in the founding of the first Maoist organization in Norway in 1969. The three camps, held in August 1967-69, have so far been only marginally present in research on the Maoist movement and have never been the subject of specific analysis. Meanwhile, the camps, organized a month before the annual congresses, appear as a convenient tool to influence the organization and develop possible ways of radical agitation. The camp proceedings and the way they were utilized can provide important information on the backstory of the Maoist faction’s successes in the League, as they were organized on the initiative of Maoist radicals and their form and place in the life of the organization were an important component in the „Maoisation” of the entire organization. Moreover, they can be seen as a mirror reflecting the process of radicalization itself. My main sources were the programs, documents and newspapers distributed at the camps, as well as later reflections and evaluations published in internal journals. In order to analyze the place and role of the camps in the process of „radicalization”, I used a combination of different conceptualizations of radicalization, which allowed to frame the problem within the context of the political rebellion of the 1960s. The conclusions of the analysis will expand knowledge of this specific phenomenon in the political history of Norway and contribute to the debate on the processes of acquisition of radical views by youth organizations.
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Mao Zedong and Chinese Rhetoric. A Brief Outline of Sources and Inspirations

100%
Giwojno P.
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
|
2019
|
vol. 8
93-102
EN
This paper aims to sketch out key rhetorical motifs produced by the Chinese propaganda machine under Mao Zedong (1893–1976). In particular, the dominant themes of the 1950s and 1960s are discussed through the prism of both communist ideology and links with Chinese tradition and culture. To achieve this goal, key features of the Chinese language, a brief outline of distinctive features of Chinese rhetoric correlated with European tradition as well as the principles of Maoism as an ideology are presented. In the main section of this paper, an overview of five selected rhetorical themes, based on their popularity in everyday propaganda, is discussed. The final section contains research conclusions. One of the distinctive features of Maoist rhetoric is the fact that both ancient Chinese traditions and the authoritarian language of communist ideology were inherently interlinked. This paper is intended to better understand this unique connection and to gain an insight into the specific nature of the Maoist perspective on rhetoric and communication.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Stepping from College Classrooms to the Political Front. The Emergence of Feminism in the Norwegian Maoist Movement before 1973

100%
Gęsiarz M.
Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia
|
2022
|
vol. 32
19-31
EN
The aim of this article is to investigate the origins of the Women’s Front, a women’s movement co-founded by Norwegian Maoists in the 1970s. The analysis seeks to capture the dynamics of women’s activism in relation to the broader political landscape and, concurrently, to understand the Women’s Front in a broader temporal perspective. The sources used were newspapers and publications issued by different branches of the Norwegian Maoist movement. Women’s politics are analysed both as a grassroots phenomenon and a part of agitation which emerged under the 1972 anti-EEC campaign. This makes it possible to show how women’s politics found a place on the agenda of Norwegian Maoism and what kind of obstacles it had to face on its way to gaining autonomy. The patterns of feminist mobilisation demonstrated by this analysis can make a contribution to the broader debate on the role and place of feminism in traditional political structures.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Naxalism: The Left-Wing Extremist Movement in India

86%
Ghosh R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2023
|
issue 2(52)
7-22
EN
After 200 years of bondage, India gained freedom from the British through numerous revolutionary movements in 1947. But, within 20 years of the independence, insurgent movements had started arising against the Indian Government as well. In 1967, the Naxalite insurgency was initiated as a radical protest by the oppressed peasants against the colonial tenancy system retained by the feudal landowners even after the British had left the country for good. The uprising got pinpointed as Naxalism and the rebels as Naxals, as it all started at Naxalbari, a village in the Indian state of West Bengal. Spanning over 50 years, this ongoing movement initially acquired the respect of the general population of India with its radical ideologies of fighting against the oppressor imperialists but soon mutated into a source of terror. A qualitative assessment of the instances taken from secondary sources, such as context-related online journals and blog articles, will help this paper to explain the formation of the contemporary perception of Naxalism as an extreme radical armed revolution and one of the biggest security challenges against the Indian Government.
5

Marksizm i socjalizm w XXI wieku

58%
Wiktor Z.
Nowa Krytyka
|
2015
|
issue 34
177-207
EN
The collapse of „"real socialism”" in b. The USSR and European countries in the 90s of the twentieth century strengthened the counter-revolution, global capitalism and imperialism. Capitalism has entered the era of globalization and subsequent crises that overcomes in Europe through integration, while globally by a new wars. The contradictions of the capitalist, big unemployment, crises, wars and class antagonisms between the bourgeoisie (oligarchy) and the proletariat (prekariatem), the imperialist states and the countries of the so-called. 3rd world contribute to the growth of anti-capitalist forces, including the international communist movement and the search for a new intake of scientific socialism -– suitable for the conditions of the knowledge society, globalization and the contradictions of the 21st century. In China and Cuba created new theories which Marxism matched to local conditions for growth. In the international communist movement takes place a multilateral discussion on contemporary Marxism and socialism of the XXI century. The basic problem is to define the main force of the revolutionary, socialist market economy, diversity and unity of the communist movement, the possibility of unity and cooperation communists, socialists and social democrats.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Marksizm a konsumpcjonizm w chińskim społeczeństwie XXI wieku

58%
Polowczyk P. Ł.
Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula
|
2018
|
issue 4(58)
125-153
PL
Artykuł jest szkicem odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy współczesne społeczeństwo chińskie oraz Komunistyczna Partia Chin jako jego część są marksistowskie, czy chociażby w minimalistycznym sensie dążą do realizacji idei marksistowskich. Badanym aspektem jest konsumpcjonizm w Chinach początku XXI wieku w jego relacji do etycznej zasady maksymalizacji wolności, implicite obecnej również w marksizmie. Autor argumentuje, że ani społeczeństwo chińskie, ani partia nie są marksistowskie, ponieważ ich ideologia i działania są sprzeczne z marksizmem. Zamiast bowiem dążyć do wyzwolenia klasy pracowniczej i osłabienia burżuazji w walce klas, przez konsumpcjonizm zmierzają do celu przeciwnego.
EN
The article is an outline of an aspect answer to the question if the contemporary Chinese society and the Communist Party of China are Marxist, at least in the minimalist sense of striving to realise Marxist ideas. The aspect of research is consumerism in China in the 21st century in relation to the principle of maximising freedom which is implicitly present in Marxism. The author argues that neither Chinese society nor the Communist Party of China are Marxist because its ideology and activities stand in contradiction with Marxism: instead aiming at liberation of the working class and weakening bourgeoisie, by means of consumerism they actually strive to the opposite purpose.
7
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Maoizm nad Wisłą? Działalność Komunistycznej Partii Polski Kazimierza Mijala

58%
Gasztold P.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2018
|
issue 32
290-318
PL
Komuniści, którzy krytykowali politykę kierownictwa PZPR z pozycji pryncypialnych, w grudniu 1965 r. założyli nielegalną organizację pod nazwą Komunistyczna Partia Polski. Niekwestionowanym liderem tej grupy został Kazimierz Mijal, który w 1966 r. uciekł do Albanii i stamtąd nadzorował działalność KPP. Organizacja ta nielegalnie drukowała i kolportowała tysiące ulotek oraz broszur, w których potępiano „rewizjonistyczną” politykę Gomułki oraz Gierka, za wzór stawiając albańskie oraz chińskie rozwiązania doktrynalne. Infiltracja środowiska polskich maoistów przez aparat bezpieczeństwa PRL w latach siedemdziesiątych doprowadziła do marginalizacji tej struktury. Artykuł na podstawie dokumentów zgromadzonych m.in. w Archiwum IPN i Archiwum Akt Nowych przybliża kulisy powstania KKP, jej naj ważniejszych liderów, program polityczny i tajną współpracę z albańskimi dyplomatami, podsumowuje także działalność Kazimierza Mijala na tle rozdźwięku w obozie komunistycznym w latach sześćdziesiątych, wśród wielu przyczyn porażek polskich „maoistów” wskazuje na dogmatyczny program polityczny, który nie zyskał szerszej akceptacji w społeczeństwie.
EN
The communists who criticized the policy of the PUWP’s leadership from the principled positions in December 1965 established an illegal organisation called the Communist Party of Poland (CCP). The unquestionable leader of this group was Kazimierz Mijal who in 1966 fled to Albania and supervised the activity of the CPP from there. This organisation illegally printed and distributed thousands of leaflets and brochures in which the “revisionist” policies of Gomułka and Gierek were condemned, holding the Albanian and Chinese doctrinal solutions as a model. The infiltration of the Polish Maoist circles by the security apparatus of the PPR in the seventies led to the marginalisation of this structure. The article, based on documents collected, among others, in the Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance and the Central Archives of Modern Records, presents the inside story of the founding of the CPP, its major leaders, political programme and secret cooperation with Albanian diplomats, and summarises the activity of Kazimierz Mijal in the background of the discord in the communist camp in the 60s, indicating among many reasons for the failures of Polish “Maoists” a dogmatic political programme which did not gained wider acceptance in society.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Lewica komunistyczna w Polsce po 1989 roku. Organizacje i ich myśl programowa. Zarys problemu

58%
Malendowicz P.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2022
|
vol. 54
|
issue 4
171-186
EN
The article presents the history and main assumptions of the political thought of the communist movement in Poland after 1989. This movement consisted of political parties, informal groups as well as press and internet editorial teams, for which the ideological foundation was Marxism-Leninism, Trotskyism or Maoism/Stalinism. These were, among others: the Communist Party of Poland, the Revolutionary Left Current, the Socialist Alternative, and the Workers’ Democracy. Their political thought was based on the criticism of the political changes in Poland after 1989.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia historię i główne założenia myśli politycznej ruchu komunistycznego w Polsce po 1989 r. Ruch ten tworzyły partie polityczne, nieformalne grupy oraz redakcje prasowe i internetowe, dla których fundament ideowy stanowiły marksizm-leninizm, trockizm lub maoizm/stalinizm. Były to m.in.: Komunistyczna Partia Polski, Nurt Lewicy Rewolucyjnej, Alternatywa Socjalistyczna, Pracownicza Demokracja. Ich myśl polityczna oparta została na krytyce przemian politycznych w Polsce po 1989 r.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Thoughts on the Theoretical Problems in the Book of Xi Jinping , Zarządzanie Chinami I [The Governance of China I], Wydawnictwo (Publishing House) Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2019, pp. 572

51%
Wiktor Z., Xiao J. W.
Reality of Politics
|
2019
|
issue 10
189-224
EN
The article includes five parts: 1. Introduction – information about the book promotion event held in Warsaw on December 19, 2019 on the Polish edition of Xi Jinping’s Governance of China vol. I. The book launch was great not only because of the editing and the contents of the book, but also because it was a political, economic, cultural and international event, since the author is the number one politician not only in China but also in the contemporary world. The introduction includes information about the book content and demonstrates its importance for the theoretical generalizations and recognition of the main problems of contemporary China. 2. According to the authors of the paper, problems mentioned in the book are especially important. The original Chinese way of building socialism and the early stages of Chinese revolution were national, anti-feudal, anti-capitalist, democratic and socialist. Mao Zedong established class-based Maoism as a Marxism-Leninism in the Chinese version, while Deng Xiaoping and his successors established and developed the socialist market economy, which is the continuation of Maoism in the new era and they created the Chinese path to the anti-capitalist revolution and the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The perspective of the development of China till 2021 and 2049 (as a modern and developed socialism) and its influence on the national rejuvenation is not only Chinese but also an international issue. 3. Third part of the paper is devoted to the problems of building socialism in China, the analysis of the theory of Xi Jinping, the leading role of the CPC, the economic role of the owner and foreign capital in economy and policy, and the socio-economic contradictions in the contemporary PRC. 4. Forth part concerns Confucianism and Marxism as theoretical and practical problems in China; the original Chinese culture and civilization; the continuation and discontinuation of the historical development in contemporary epoch; the original development; the policy of opening- -up; the necessity of considering human contents of Confucianism in building and developing of socialism in China. 5. Fifth part of the paper is on the future status of the Communist Party of China’s Economy. Since the emergence of state-owned economy, it has played a huge role in the economic development of all countries. However, under the way of neoliberalism, state-owned economy has gradually been associated with backwardness and inefficiency. On the forum of state-owned economy enterprise reform in China, General Secretary Xi Jinping gave out important instructions. State-owned enterprises are an important force for strengthening the comprehensive power of the country and safeguarding the common interests of the people. State-owned enterprises must be made stronger, better and bigger. Academia has had a huge disagreement on this, and some scholars believe that this is an act of favoritism toward state-owned enterprises. This paper analyzes China’s state-owned economy from the perspective of total factor productivity (TFP), Marx’s historical materialism, national productivity, and social development, clarifying that state-owned economic reform is diff erent from the system of “profit based demands” rooted in the private economic market, but a system based on national productivity and the “needs” of the people. Making state-owned enterprises “stronger, better, and bigger” is in line with the historical development of socialism and material productivity, resolving doubts on the direction of state-owned economic reform.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.