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1

On the variable of strategic culture: Modus operandi of military interventions in the Middle East

100%

Bivainis A.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 1

97-125

EN

The research subject of this article is the variable of strategic culture that has been subjected to some academic inertia since the Cold War period. The aim of this article is to define practical implications of the strategic culture through the prism of the neoclassical realist theory. It supports the argument that military interventional precedents in the Middle East since 2011 have been revealing adaptive considerations of the strategic culture as an intervening variable that implies interventional military decisions by the U.S. and its coalition partners. The first part of the article defines the precise role of this intervening variable as military interventional precedents are researched. This task is conducted by defining the general understanding of interventional initiatives, revealing structured assumptions of the neoclassical realist theory, and reconsidering the role of the strategic culture within that theoretical framework. The second part of the article shifts the attention to supportive empirical considerations regarding the strategic culture and perception of operational ideas – two specifi cally highlighted neoclassical realist assumptions. The article discloses that Western strategic culture is a changing intervening variable with a different level of permissiveness. A changing continuum of permissiveness is implied by interventional experiences that shape perception of the structural environment and dictate preferences for the power scale of interventional decisions. From this, the level of the structural environment’s permissiveness is defined. This permissiveness is associated with capabilities for implementing political objectives without further escalations of military power. Once the systemic environment becomes more permissive, the possibility of activating military intervention of various force-escalation becomes more conceivable.

2

"Блакитна троянда" як перша символістська драма Лесі Українки

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Моклиця М.

Studia Polsko-Ukraińskie

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2016

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vol. 3

81-94

EN

The article deals with a stereotypical perception of Lesya Ukrainka drama Blue Rose as an experimental and somewhat incomplete work. The main thesis of the text is: the drama fits into the context of European dramaturgy of the late 19th – early 20th century and is consonant with the aesthetic searches of symbolists. The author analyses the motive of hereditary insanity, psychology drama, including fears of the protagonist, autobiography of work, and makes a comparison between interpretations of love themes in Lesya Ukrainka and Dante, and in Lesya Ukrainka and Russian symbolists (A. Blok, A. Bely). The basis for drama philosophy of two worlds was made through the establishment of platonic love doomed to end in tragedy in an imperfect world. The activation of a Middle Ages discourse allowed Lesya Ukrainka to do all the artistic discoveries, which later become the basis for the formation of symbolist theatre.

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Integracja narodów i partii agrarnych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w myśli politycznej polskiego ruchu ludowego w końcowym okresie zaborów i dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym

58%

Wichmanowski M.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2022

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issue 4(35)

115-144

RU

Вопрос европейской интеграции в политической мысли народного движения в Центральной и Восточной Европе неоднократно возникает, начиная со второй половины XIX века. В годы разделов продолжался поиск путей достижения свободы и независимости. Идеи создания политических многонациональных организмов должны были стать способом получения определенной субъектности. Поляки видели для себя возможности развития в федерации Габсбургской монархии. С другой стороны, в союзе народов бывшей Речи Посполитой, в основном литовцев, белорусов и украинцев, они видели возможности для совместной борьбы с российскими захватчиками. Геополитика региона, сложившаяся в результате Первой мировой войны, привела к тому, что между Германией и Россией, государствами с империалистическими традициями, оказались новообразованные центрально-европейские государства. Вопрос о союзе государств или преимущественно крестьянских партий несколько раз возникал в политической мысли польского и европейского народного движения, однако в 1930-е годы он был скорее дополнением к партийным программам. Первоначально поляки стремились к соглашению в основном с соседями, у которых имелись аналогичные угрозы. Когда осуществление планов не удалось, в своих программах они довольствовались мирным международным сотрудничеством в рамках Лиги Наций.

EN

The question of European integration in the political thought of the peasant movement in Central and Eastern Europe appeared many times since the second half of the 19th century. In the period of partitions, people searched for paths to freedom and independence. The ideas of creating multinational political organisms were to be means for obtaining a certain degree of subjectivity. Poles saw development opportunities in the federation within the Habsburg monarchy. On the other hand, the union of the peoples of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, mainly Lithuanians, Belarusians and Ukrainians – there was an apparent chance joint struggle with the Russian invader. The geopolitics of the region, constructed in the result of the First World War, meant that the newly created Central European states found themselves between Germany and Russia – both of which were states with imperialist traditions. The question of the union of states, or mainly peasant parties in the political thought of the Polish and European peasant movements appeared several times, but in the 1930s it was rather an addition to the programs of these parties. Initially, the Poles sought an agreement mainly with neighbours facing similar threats. When the implementation of these plans failed, their programs contented with peaceful international cooperation based on the League of Nations.

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Niemcy o Polsce i Polakach? O różnych poziomach transferu treści kulturowych w średniowieczu

58%

Wiszewski P.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2018

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vol. 125

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issue 3

PL

Artykuł omawia pracę Andrzeja Pleszczyńskiego dotyczącą przedstawienia obrazu Polski i jej mieszkańców nie tylko w historiografii, ale w ogóle w komunikatach pisanych i ikonograficznych powstałych w Niemczech od drugiej połowy X w. do 1370 r. Autor artykułu zwraca uwagę na dyskusyjny charakter przyjętego przez Pleszczyńskiego założenia o istnieniu w badanym okresie dwóch spójnych narodów – niemieckiego i polskiego. Podkreśla, że część tekstów mogła powstać jako wyraz tożsamości regionalnej. The article discusses the book by Andrzej Pleszczyński on the image of Poland and its people presented not only in historiography, but also in all written and iconographic materials produced in Germany between the second half of the tenth century and 1370. The article’s author pays attention to the discursive character of Pleszczyński’s assumption about the existence of two organized and cohesive nations in the analysed period – the German and the Polish one. He emphasizes that some of the texts could have been written as expression of the regional identity.

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On the variable of strategic culture: Modus operandi of military interventions in the Middle East

"Блакитна троянда" як перша символістська драма Лесі Українки

Integracja narodów i partii agrarnych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w myśli politycznej polskiego ruchu ludowego w końcowym okresie zaborów i dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym

Niemcy o Polsce i Polakach? O różnych poziomach transferu treści kulturowych w średniowieczu