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EN
The aim of the article is to present the conditions, scale and consequences of mass economic migrations from Eastern Europe to the Visegrad Group countries in the conditions of the protracted Ukrainian crisis. We will consider how the economic, political, social and cultural conditions may shape the migration flows from Eastern Europe in the future and whether Central Europe should be treated as the final destination of migration, or only the stage on the road to Western Europe. An important research problem will also be to find an answer to the question whether the growing wave of labour migration from the East may also be addressed to other countries of the Three Seas Initiative, mainly to Bulgaria and Romania, and to the Baltic States, and how it can affect the situation of Central European countries and the entire European Union.
EN
We ask how reform of migration law intended to increase the selectivity of migration (the so-called integration agreement regulation in 2003) in Austria impacted on the education structure of migrants to Austria. To identify the effects of this reform, we use the fact that it applied only to migrants from third countries and not those from EEA-countries.We find no compelling evidence that this regulation improved the education structure of migrants to Austria. Our interpretation of this is that the implicit positive impact of the reforms on the education structure of migrants was countervailed by the increased restrictiveness of the migration regime overall, or that other developments in the migration regime were more important for changes in education structure in the time period considered.
EN
In recent years, the issues of integration - related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. - and on the other hand to host societies - have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration flows. That was also the time when the state's policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland's accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further Europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland's migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for beneficiaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw’s municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.
XX
In classical theoretical reflections on international reality, one of the leading paradigms is the belief that the Westphalian order based on sovereign states has evolved into a diverse network of interdependent actors. From a legal perspective, a network such as this has the character of multi-level normative linkages. Legislation with varying degrees of impact in terms of its binding force is enacted within a number of parallel consultative bodies. Within the EU this network takes on a concretised, institutionalnormative dimension, the so-called European Composite Administration which is evident in specific areas such as cyber security, asylum and migration policies, energy, and financial market regulation. In the European Union, decentralised agencies play a leading role in a such compound bureaucracy. They are one of the main instruments in the European system for harmonising regulation and practices in specific areas of EU activity. In a crisis situation there is an increasing tendency to modify their powers. Within the European Composite Administration, bodies such as EASO, the agency responsible for migration and asylum policies, play a key coordinating role between the Member States. The crisis legitimises institutional changes, by expanding the catalogue of regulatory agencies' competencies. While practitioners, especially in individual offices in the Member States, may find such processes acceptable in relation to the ideal of efficient and effective administration, these phenomena may be regarded as worrying from the point of view of control over a growing complex integrated administrative apparatus.
EN
The aim of the article is to attempt to identify the state of, and prospects for, the development of the common policy of the European Union regarding legal migration from third countries. The subject of interest is, above all, legal economic migration, which is crucial from the perspective of certain demographic processes taking place in the EU, the changes and needs of the Community's labour market, and the challenges posed by the digital transformation. The adopted hypothesis assumes that, within the framework of EU migration and asylum policy, policy as regards legal economic migration is still an underdeveloped area and remains in the hands of individual Member States. Initiatives undertaken in this area remain overshadowed by the main focus of the common migration and asylum policy, namely the development of a common asylum system and the prevention of irregular migration. Policy regarding legal economic migration in the near future will mainly be created by Member States and play out on the domestic stage due to the lack of direct motivation for its development at the Community level. In this case, the strength of particular stakeholders' interests is not balanced out by any direct and easily identifiable benefits to be gained from the adopted common solutions.
EN
Türkiye has had multidimensional migration experience not only in its past, but also in its present that has led to the formation of a dynamic migration policy to govern such a dynamic process. Türkiye's migration policy has been informed and shaped by its geopolitical location as a migrant receiving, labour migrant sending, and migrant transit country. Today, Türkiye hosts the largest number of migrants and refugees in the world with a far-reaching social, political, and economic impact on the country. This article aims to shed light on the multidimensional migration experience of Türkiye and analyse its migration policies to govern manifold challenges brought about by the presence of almost 6 million foreigners in the country. It is argued in this article that the integration of migrants in general and of Syrians in particular remains a major challenge for Türkiye. Therefore, this article recommends that Turkish decision makers should make short and long-term plans for the integration of Syrians as the current conditions indicate that it is unlikely that Syrians will return in any significant numbers any time soon even though the Turkish government has initiated a number of projects in parts of Northern Syria for the safe and voluntary return of its countrymen and women. One important area of integration in this context is higher education, which would enable Syrians to have access to employment and social mobility that would benefit both themselves and Türkiye.
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