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EN
The article presents the phenomenon of the Moldovan diaspora, indicating the „old diaspora” to the countries of the former USSR, as well as the „new emigration”, mainly to the European Union. Attention was focused on Kishinev’s policy towards emigration, above all in the institutional and legal context. Relations were related to changes in policy in the context of the hybrid war in Ukraine.
EN
Moldavia in modern age – especially in 16th and 17th centuries – being a tributary to the Ottoman Empire – still caught Polish attention. Both Poles and Turks considered Moldavia as a buffer which needed their attention. Such a situation allowed more ambitious hospodars to balance and keep as large an autonomy as it possibly could. Although Moldavian hospodars had to obey to the Porte, they often kept close diplomatic and even military relationships with Poland. Giving Polish indigenous to hospodars was a good way to keep them in obedience to Poland. This honour was given – among the others – to Miron Barnovski, Vasile Lupu and Gheorghe Ştefan. All these hospodars – although they fought against each other – saw in Poland a guarantor of their power. This article discusses the policy of these hospodars toward Poland and focuses on the circumstances of giving Polish indigenous to these rulers. The article also signals some historical principles ruling the actions of Poles, Moldavian and Turks in this difficult period.
EN
Vassals, tributaries, allies. The nature of the relations of the Balkan states with the Ottoman Turkey in the 14th centuryIn the second half of the fourteenth century, more than twenty political bodies functioned in Balkans, which were more or less independent, often in conflicts with each other, joining into leagues and alliances.The Ottomans were a valuable ally, with which the Balkan rulers came in close political and military relationships. The study of evolution and the nature of these relations meets serious difficulties due to lack of surviving documents, defining the nature of bilateral relations of the Ottomans with particular Balkan states, while other sources, usually from a later period, are not very precise. The difficulties of interpretation concern such fundamental matters as the chronology of Turkish conquests, conflicts and peace agreements. However, the analysis of preserved source material leads to the following conclusions:1. Subordination of the Balkan countries by the Ottomans was a long-term process, and their relationships with the Balkan states were diverse in nature.2. Payment of the tribute for the benefit of the Turks could, but did not have to mean the entry into vassal relations, however gave an evidence about the entry into peaceful relations.3. Orhan, Murad I and Bajezid I were satisfied on the territory of Europe with the establishment of the allied, tributary relationships and over the time with the strengthening of own vassal position. However, at the end of the fourteenth century, all the Balkan states were at some stage of such relations, mostly on the last of them.4. Entry into close, family relations with the ruling sultan meant usually a close political and military cooperation. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian wives of the sultans had the right to remain in the Christian faith and often exerted a strong political influence. The support and protection of the closest relatives of the wife was fulfilled by the Turkish rulers. Thanks to it, for example Serbia of Stefan Lazarević was essentially strengthened, becoming at the same time the most serious support of Bajezid I in the Balkans.
EN
This Article is devoted to Polish-Moldavian relations during the reign of Stephen IV of Moldavia. This theme played out in the Polish historiography in a completely marginal role. In the studies we find only a brief mention of this ruler. Meanwhile, his reign fell on hard times during Turkish expansion in the Balkans and Moldova barely defended the remnants of a self independence. For Poland, this region played a key role against the threat of Tatars and in the context of the Black Sea trade. That is why King Sigismund the Old wanted to keep its influence in Moldavia and save it for annexation by Turkey. These attempts, however, faced a number of obstacles which can be read in the article.
EN
Jarosław Pietrzak – absolwent Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, doktor nauk humanistycznych w zakresie historii, adiunkt w Katedrze Historii Nowożytnej (Instytut Historii i Archiwistyki Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie). Autor książki pt. Księżna dobrodziejka. Katarzyna z Sobieskich Radziwiłłowa (1634-1694) – życie i działalność (Warszawa 2016). Współpracownik Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie, stypendysta Fundacji Lanckorońskich z Brzezia.
PL
This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.
EN
This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show, that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.
EN
The Moldavian campaign in late 1615 and first half of 1616 caused a growing tension in the relations between the Republic of Poland and Ottoman Empire. The Turkish sultan was determined to defend his interests in Moldova. At the same time, the Polish king tried to gain the throne of Moscow. The Polish magnates, Michał Wiśniowecki and Samuel Korecki, married to daughters of Elisabeta Movilă, decided to put their brother-in-law, Alexander Movilă, on the throne of Moldavia. But Hetman Stanisław Zółkiewski and king Sigismund III were against this campaign and did not provide any support. The intervention in Moldova could have had serious consequences for both the Turks and the Tatars. The war ended in the defeat of the magnates.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony został problemowi relacji polsko – mołdawskich ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem konfliktu z roku 1509 i roli, jaką odegrała w nim rodzina Chodeckich. Bogdan III – hospodar mołdawski poszukując wsparcia strony polskiej zaofiarował zwrot Pokucia w zamian za rękę siostry Aleksandra Jagiellończyka – Elżbiety. Jako że niechętna była temu pomysłowi matka kandydatki na żonę – Elżbieta Rakuszanka, Bogdan liczył na pomoc Stanisława z Chodcza- zaufanego królowej. W wyniku zawartego układu zwrócił Polsce Pokucie. Kiedy nie dano mu jednak Elżbiety za żonę, hospodar, czując się oszukanym, cały swój gniew skupił na Stanisławie. Wyprawa z 1509 roku jest nie tylko odwetem uczynionym na Polsce, ale także na rodzinie Chodeckich.
EN
This article refers to the problem of the relations between Kingdom of Poland and Moldova, especially to the 1509-year conflict and the role the Chodecki’s family played in it. Bogdan III – hospodar of Moldova who was desperately trying to find an ally, was able to give Pokuttya back to Poland in exchange for Polish agreement for his marriage with king’s sister Elisabeth. The mother and namesake of the latter - Elisabeth Habsburg didn’t accept this proposal. Bogdan however counted on support from Stefan of Chodcza. As a result of conducted negotiations the former got Pokuttya back to Poland. However, he didn’t receive Elisabeth’s hand. Bogdan blamed Stanislaw of Chodcza for this failure. The 1509 expedition was meant as revenge not only on Poland but also on Chodecki’s family.
PL
Krótka nota biograficzna ukazuje postać Aleksandra Wanowskiego (1886-1966), absolwenta studiów lekarskich na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim. Podczas pierwszej wojny światowej został przymusowo wcielony do armii rosyjskiej, którą opuścił w 1917 r. Zaczął wtedy pracować jako lekarz w Besarabii i Mołdawii, gdzie założył rodzinę. Nigdy nie wrócił do Polski.
EN
This is a short biographical article on Aleksander Wanowski (1886-1966), a Polish doctor who graduated from the Warsaw University. During the First World War he was forcibly conscripted into the Russian army. In 1917 he left the army and started to practice medicine in Bessarabia and in Moldavia where he set up home. He never returned to Poland.
PL
This article shows the close link between religious policy, especially that of the confessional option, and the politicization of space in the building processes of territorial states. The study focuses on the two Danube Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which implemented their state building owing to three decisive steps: i) the jurisdictional option in favour of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople; ii) the territorial and social implementation of the Byzantine Orthodox faith by institutional infrastructure and monastic reform; iii) the Orthodox enculturation of the two Wallachian principalities.The main goal of this chapter is to show how cultural and historical phenomena transform the abstract geographical space into the political space of a state.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the history of Transylvania after the Battle of Mohàcs in 1526. The defeat of Hungary and the death of King Louis II the Jagiellonian in the battle changed the power structure in Central Europe. An agreement was made between the Jagiellonians and the Habsburgs in 1515; it was strengthened by marrying Louis the Jagiellonian to Maria Habsburg and by marrying Anna the Jagiellonian to Ferdinand Habsburg. After the death of Louis, who left no heir, the political power in Czech and Hungary was to go to the Habsburgs. However, there was no unanimous agreement on the candidate; as a result, a double election happened after the death of Louis the Jagiellonian. The gentry assembly in Székesfehérvár in November elected Jan Zápolya king, while the supporters of the Habsburgs elected Ferdinand at a competing assembly. The war became inevitable. Zápolya sought help in Turkey, hence Hungary became an area where two forces competed, the Habsburgs and Turkey. Transylvania, which was a part of the state of Hungary at the time, stood in the centre of the conflict. Transylvania remained in the focus of attention for Jan Zápolya and for Ferdinand Habsburg, but also for Petru Rareș, a Moldavian hospodar, and for the Sultan himself as well. The article aims to delineate this situation, with particular insight into the relations between Jan Zápolya, Petru Rareș, and Turkey.
DE
Der Artikel setzt sich zum Ziel, die Geschichte von Siebenbürgen nach der Schlacht bei Mohács im Jahre 1526 darzustellen. Die Niederlage Ungarns und der Tod des bisherigen Königs Ludwig II. in dieser Schlacht bedingten die Veränderung der Machtverhältnisse in Mitteleuropa. Kraft des Abkommens, das 1515 zwischen den Jagiellonen und Habsburgern getroffen und durch die Entscheidungen über Eheschließungen von Ludwig II. mit Maria von Habsburg und von Anna Jagiello mit Ferdinand I. von Habsburg bekräftigt wurde, sollte die Macht in Böhmen und Ungarn auf die Habsburger übergehen, falls Ludwig II. nachkommenlos gestorben wäre. Unter ungarischen Adligen bestand allerdings keine Übereinstimmung hinsichtlich dieser Kandidatur, deshalb kam es nach dem Tod Ludwigs II. zu einer Doppelwahl. Während die Ständeversammlung in Székesfehérvár im November Johann Zápolya zum König erwählte, stimmten die Anhänger der Habsburger auf einer Gegenversammlung für Ferdinand. Das bedeutete den Auftakt zu einem Krieg. Da Zápolya in der Türkei nach Unterstützung suchte, wurde Ungarn zum Kampfplatz von zwei Mächten: den Habsburgern und der Türkei. Im Mittelpunkt des Konflikts befand sich das Gebiet von Siebenbürgen (damals ein Teil Ungarns), das der Gegenstand des Interesses nicht nur von Johann Zápolya und Ferdinand I. von Habsburg, sondern auch von Petru Rareș - dem Moldauer Woiwoden, und selbst vom Sultan war. Im vorliegenden Artikel wird die komplizierte politische Lage unter besonderer Berücksichtigungder Verhältnisse zwischen Johann Zápolya, Petru Rareș und der Türkei umrissen. 
PL
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie losów Siedmiogrodu po bitwie pod Mohaczem w roku 1526. Klęska Węgier i śmierć dotychczasowego króla Ludwika Jagiellończyka w tejże bitwie spowodowały zmiany w układzie sił w Europie Środkowej. W myśl postanowień układu zawartego między Jagiellonami a Habsburgami w roku 1515, umocnionego decyzjami o małżeństwach Ludwika Jagiellończyka z Marią Habsburżanką i Anny Jagiellonki z Ferdynandem Habsburgiem, po bezpotomnej śmierci Jagiellończyka władza w Czechach i na Węgrzech miała przejść w ręce Habsburgów. Jednak wśród szlachty węgierskiej nie było zgodności co do tej kandydatury, toteż po śmierci Ludwika Jagiellończyka doszło do podwójnej elekcji. Podczas gdy zgromadzenie szlachty w Székesfehérvárze w listopadzie wybrało na króla Jana Zápolyę, zwolennicy Habsburgów na konkurencyjnym sejmie opowiedzieli się za Ferdynandem. To z kolei nieuchronnie musiało wieść do wojny. Jako że Zapolya szukał pomocy w Turcji, Węgry stały się obszarem rywalizacji dwóch sił: Habsburgów i Turcji. W centrum całego konfliktu znalazł się Siedmiogród (stanowiący wówczas część państwa węgierskiego), leżący w strefie zainteresowań nie tylko Jana Zápolyi i Ferdynanda Habsburga, ale także Piotra Rareșa – hospodara mołdawskiego, oraz samego sułtana. Celem artykułu jest zarysowanie owej skomplikowanej sytuacji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji na linii Jan Zápolya – Piotr Rareș – Turcja.
Studia Ceranea
|
2022
|
vol. 12
523-598
EN
The language of the Moldavian books and chancery documents written during the reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) shows an unneglectable variability depending on the purpose, addressee and format of the texts. Using all kinds of preserved texts from this period, we have tried to describe this variability focusing on the texts written in the Cyrillic script. These texts are evaluated according to three criteria: spelling, morphosyntax and vocabulary. The most prestigious variety was the Trinovitan (Tărnovo) variety of Middle Church Slavonic. Its shape in the texts, belonging to the common Church Slavonic legacy, shows the lowest impact of the Moldavian linguistic environment. The original Church Slavonic bookish texts composed in Moldavia (Macarie’s Chronicle, Enkomion to St John the New, colophons and inscriptions) show a variable proportion of Moldavian spelling and morphosyntactic markers. The chancery documents can be characterised by blending of Church Slavonic and Ruthenian (Ukrainian-based) elements. Except the Ruthenian-based documents addressed to Poland, the chancery documents are basically Church Slavonic shaped with Ruthenian infiltrations on the level of some fixed formulas, function words and few lexical items. Moreover, Slavonic letters sent to Transylvania show tiny Wallachian Slavonic influence, manifested by forms of Serbian chancery origin. Monastery charters combine CS-shaped Ruthenian formulas with Trinovitan Church Slavonic formulas, partly shared with colophons and inscriptions. Thus, the Moldavian written legacy shares common elements both with the Wallachian milieu (e.g. Romanian Cyrillic spelling of proper names, Romanian impact on morphosyntax, specific terminology etc.) as well as with a broader Ruthenian area (mainly the eastern part of the Polish-Lithuanian Union).
RU
The hereby article presents an analogous analysis of the patrimonial and inheritance legal status of Moldovan women, contrasted with their counterparts in the neighbouring countries, such as Lithuania, Romania, Transylvania, Russia, Serbia and Montenegro. In author’s opinion, woman’s patrimony served as a warranty for her legal and social status. Officially, women could not participate in the political life of the state, yet, some of them, possessing large estates, were indeed influential. Empowered by the autonomous possession and management of their assets, women attained some economic independence in the social sphere. Characterizing the differences and similarities in the status of women regarding the laws of succession, it should be observed that too much emphasis was placed on the legal inequality of women in different countries. In consequence, a stereotype was established in historical literature. Frequently, in European countries, an inconsistency or even a contradiction between legislation and law enforcement could be observed.
EN
This paper was written in connection with the thesis that Polish interventions in Moldavia conducted in the years 1595–1616 were a result of the private policy of first Jan Zamoyski, and later the magnates – sons-in-law of Jeremy Movila. By analyzing the political and legal situation of the hospodars of Moldavia from the Movila dynasty towards the Polish king , I try to prove that all interventions were either completely or unofficially connected with the state policy of the Republic of Poland. The last intervention in the years 1615–1616 was the most controversial one, but the lack of support for it was not due to political reasons, but to personal ones.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł powstał w związku z ciągle obecną i powtarzaną przez badaczy tezą, że polskie interwencje w Mołdawii prowadzone w latach 1595–1616 były rezultatem prywatnej polityki najpierw Jana Zamoyskiego, a później magnatów ‒ zięciów Jeremiego Mohyły. Poprzez analizę sytuacji polityczno-prawnej hospodarów Mołdawii z dynastii Mohyłów wobec króla Polski i jej interpretacji staram się udowodnić, że wszystkie interwencje albo w zupełny, albo w nieoficjalny sposób były powiązane z polityką państwową Rzeczypospolitej. Najbardziej kontrowersyjna była ostatnia interwencja z lat 1615–1616, jednak brak poparcia dla niej nie wynikał z przyczyn politycznych, lecz personalnych.
EN
The main aim of this paper is the Polish translation and the comment of the chapter De lingua Moldavorum, a part of the work called Descriptio Moldaviae written by Dimitrie Cantemir, voivode of Moldavia, in the early 18th century at the request of the Royal Academy in Berlin. The translation is based on the Latin text. It is the first attempt to introduce the text of Descriptio Moldaviae to Polish readers. The commentary is based on the philological methodology and contains primarily grammar and lexical remarks. The first part of the paper is a historical and cultural introduction to the topic.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie polskiego tłumaczenia tekstu De lingua Moldavorum wraz z komentarzem. Tekst napisany został przez Dimitrie Cantemira na początku XVIII wieku na zamówienie Akademii w Berlinie. Tłumaczenie zostało dokonane z tekstu oryginału na język polski. Jest to pierwsza próba przybliżenia tekstu Dimitrie Cantemira polskiemu czytelnikowi. Tekst został opatrzony komentarzem z uwagami gramatycznymi, leksykalnymi i kulturowymi.
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