Search results

1

Bronze-Age stone tumuli on Planinica Hill, obš. Tuzi, Montenegro

100%

Bugaj U., Lutovac P., Bogacki M., Trzeciecki M., Novak M.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2013

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vol. 65

427–433

EN

Tumuli in Montenegro are regarded as Bronze and Early Iron Age structures, but the majority of those sites have not been explored. The archaeological record indicates significant differences in their construction. The tumuli on Planinica — the first investigated stone burial mounds in Montenegro — regarding their construction, have analogies with the Early Bronze Age site of Rječani near Nikšić only, they do not compare with sites with a later chronology. Giving the state of research on the topic however, it should be pointed out that this is only hinted at. The Brillenspirale found in the sarcophagus of Tumulus II, based on finds from the comprehensively published site Velika Gruda near Tivat, indicates a much later date — to the Late Bronze Age. The minimum number of 7 individuals (probably males) buried in Tumulus II — fitting the ancestral pattern — encourages the interpretation of a long-term burial.

2

Czarnogóra w procesie integracji z Unią Europejską. Szanse i wyzwania

100%

Koźbiał K.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 6(37)

209-229

EN

2006, after referendum, the Montenegrin Parliament declared the independence of Montenegro. One of the primary foreign policy objectives is integration into the European Union. 2007 Montenegro signed a Stabilisation und Association Agreement. On 17th December 2010 the EU granted Montenegro the official status of candidate country. The accession negotiations with Podgorica started on 29th June 2012. In December 2012 first chapter in negotiations was opened and provisionally closed. The EU provides financial assistance to Montenegro under the IPA (Instrument for Pre‑accession Assistance). Now has this country top position among the states striving for the EU membership. One of the phenomena of Montenegro’s political life is the fact that the power has been in the hands of the political party: Democratic Party of Socialists, and personally Milo Ðukanović. The biggest internal problems are: ethnic (only 45% Montenegrins), linguistic (almost 43% speaks Serbian, only 37% Montenegrin) and religious structure (Montenegrin Orthodox Church has not been recognized). The important problems in negotiations: corruption and organized crime in Montenegro and, probably, unilateral euro adoption in 2002.

3

Bioarchaeological analysis of the human skeletal remains from tumulus No. 2 on Planinica Hill, obš. Tuzi, Montenegro

100%

Novak M.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2013

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vol. 65

435–438

EN

Human remains from the sarcophagus in the Tumulus II on the Planinica Hill have been analysed in the laboratory of the Department of Archaeology of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb. Due to the severe fragmentation and post-mortem damage of the whole sample it was not possible to re-individualise each skeleton; instead, a minimum number of 7 individuals (MNI) buried in the tumulus were assessed. Analysis of the bones belonging to the adult individuals showed that they fell between the ages of 16 and 20 years old, for the youngest, while the oldest individual was probably between 50 and 60 years old

4

Ukryty fragment czarnogórskiej historii: przyłączenie Czarnogóry do Serbii w 1918 roku

100%

Morawski K. S.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2012

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issue 41

211-221

EN

The circumstances accompanying the incorporation of Montenegro into Serbia in November 1918 were marked by an internal conflict in the Montenegrin nation, which, to be specific, was the conflict between King Nicholas I and his supporters on the one side and the group of pro-Serbian former ministers in Montenegrin governments on the other side. The royal camp aimed at maintaining independence of the Kingdom of Montenegro while the pro-Serbian camp’s aspiration was unconditional incorporation of the country into the borders of the Kingdom of Serbia and later into the unified South Slavic Kingdom. The pro-Serbian camp tipped the scales in its favour as it organised the illegal National Assembly on the territory of Montenegro, which decided about the unification of Montenegro and Serbia and the dethronement of King Nicholas I. The consequences of this state of affairs led to a significant number of uprisings of the Montenegrins allied with the royal camp. Out of these, the Christmas Uprising gained a rank of a symbol. Montenegrin-Montenegrin and Montenegrin-Serbian fights involved considerable losses on the part of the people of Montenegro and the country’s architectural wealth, yet they solidified the national awareness of the Montenegrins, and the cult of this awareness made it possible to regain independence after 88 years of strong bonds with Serbia.

5

Etnologie Černé Hory od poloviny 20. století

100%

Radojičić D.

Národopisný věstník

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2011

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vol. 28_(70)

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issue 2

48-50

EN

Montenegro covers arelatively small area, but it consists of three anthropo-geographical and ethnographical regions: the coast, central (old) Montenegro and the mountainous area (Crnogorska Brda). Every region is divided into smaller areas which carry well-known names of landscape features and local families. The variety of institutions and the dispersion of researchers in different institutions (museums, archives, schools and universities) have been posing difficulties to the development of ethnology in Montenegro in the 20th century and today. this article aims to inform about different publications on ethnic history of Montenegro.

6

Tourist Destination Strenghts and Opportunities: Is Montenegro Ready for Chinese Tourists?

88%

Stranjančević A., Bulatović I., Lacmanović D., Raspor A.

ECONOMICS

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2016

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vol. 4

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issue 1

151-164

EN

Since Chinese outbound tourism currently represents the largest outbound tourist market, the opportunities for tourism of Montenegro in the Chinese tourist market should be certainly examined. The aim of this paper is to analyze the relevant data about Chinese tourists who are visiting Montenegro: their specific demographic characteristics, travel habits and main motivation, but also to identify the possible ways to increase the number of Chinese tourists in Montenegro in future. For the purpose of this paper, two years long empirical research was conducted among Chinese tourists in Montenegro with the help of questionnaire. Several interviews with representatives of tourism sector in Montenegro were carried out as well. The authors have concluded that only after the total adjustment of Montenegro tourist offer to the Chinese tourists’ preferences, Montenegro could be completely ready for intensive acceptance of Chinese tourists. What’s more, in order to attract larger number of Chinese tourists, the effective marketing policy of Montenegro as a tourist destination should be created in that direction and as well the specialized tourism promotion at the Chinese market should be carried out.

7

Język a tożsamość: przypadek Czarnogóry

88%

Melnytska K.

Adeptus

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2016

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issue 8

EN

Language and Identity: The Case of MontenegroThe Montenegrin language was established as the official language of newly independent Montenegro in 2007. However, the idea of a separate Montenegrin language remained dormant until the mid-1990s, when a small group of Montenegrin pro-independence intellectuals, aiming to reconstruct all the trappings of a separate Montenegrin identity, started to emphasize the distinctiveness of the language of Montenegrins. How did it happen that once being a marginal idea, Montenegrin became the native language for almost 37 percent of the Montenegrin population in 2011? This article is an attempt to answer this question. It provides a brief overview of the language situation in Montenegro from the time of socialist Yugoslavia to the independence era, paying attention to the changes in the political elites’ attitudes towards the language issue. The standardization process of the Montenegrin language is described by focusing on the aspects, which are considered most significant from the perspective of identity. The paper also describes how the Montenegrin language is being narratized so that the language narrative is being produced as a part of the broader narrative about the Montenegrin identity. Finally, an analysis of the last two censuses’ data reveals changes in the population structure in Montenegro according to nationality and mother tongue between 2003 and 2011, i.e. the period when the issues of identity and language became extremely politicized. Język a tożsamość: przypadek CzarnogóryJęzyk czarnogórski został uznany za język urzędowy niepodległej Czarnogóry w 2007 roku. Temat odrębnego języka w Czarnogórze został nagłośniony dopiero w połowie lat 90. ubiegłego wieku przez niewielką grupę zorientowanych niepodległościowo intelektualistów, dążących do rekonstrukcji wszystkich aspektów odrębnej tożsamości czarnogórskiej. Podstawowe pytanie, na które artykuł odpowiada, brzmi: jak to się stało, że choć idea odrębności językowej była początkowo marginalna, język czarnogórski był w 2011 roku językiem ojczystym dla prawie 37 proc. ludności Czarnogóry? Artykuł przedstawia krótki zarys sytuacji językowej w Czarnogórze od czasów socjalistycznej Jugosławii do czasów niepodległości, z uwzględnieniem ewolucji w podejściu elit politycznych do kwestii języka czarnogórskiego. Omawia też przebieg i kluczowe aspekty procesu standaryzacji języka czarnogórskiego, uznane za istotne z punktu widzenia tożsamości. Kolejnym aspektem jest narratyzowanie języka czarnogórskiego i będąca jego wynikiem narracja o języku czarnogórskim jako części szerszej czarnogórskiej narracji tożsamościowej. Wreszcie – analiza danych spisów ludności z lat 2003 i 2011 ukazuje przemiany, które zaszły w strukturze narodowościowej i językowej w Czarnogórze w omawianym okresie, kiedy kwestie tożsamości i języka uległy silnej polityzacji.

8

Arso Jovanović – an erased biography

88%

Vukelić V., Šumanović V.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2018

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vol. 25

161-180

EN

The article presents a basic overview of the war record of the chief of the Supreme Staff of the Partisan army Arso Jovanović. Jovanović's war biography is described in relation to three social groups in which he had operated. The first social group was the Piper clan, or the local Montenegrin context in which he was born and grew up. The other social group was the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) with which he cooperated during the war. The third social group was the circle of Montenegrin generals of the Yugoslav army (JA) which Jovanović belonged o until his unexplained death in the summer of 1948. This paper describes how all these groups were interlinked through Jovanović, how they affected each other creating the preconditions for the events of World War II and the post-war period in Yugoslavia.

9

Organs as an exemplification of Montenegro's material cultural heritage Part 1: St. Tryphon's Cathedral in Kotor – Our Lady Help of Christians' Church in Muo

88%

Poźniak G.

Folia Organologica. International yearbook of organ and organ music

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2020

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issue 3

93-113

EN

Montenegro became a union republic of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992) after the Second World War and the political changes and wars in the Balkans at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. Montenegro proclaimed its independence on 3rd June 2006. As an independent state, this former republic of socialist Yugoslavia takes action to gather and scientifically describe its remarkable cultural heritage. In 2019 Cetinje Academy of Music, which is part of the University of Montenegro, decided to carry out a scientific project aimed at depicting this entire cultural heritage. Folk culture and Orthodoxy are the dominant features of this whole opus, thus it is not surprising that cultural products are mostly associated with these two cultural factors. Catholics constitute a group of about 3.5%, which amounts to a relatively small number of believers. Though they are a small community, they also left their mark on culture. One of the important factors in the Catholic worship is the pipe organ. The article is the first part of a series of texts dedicated to the organ in Montenegro, in which the organ from St. Tryphon's Cathedral in Kotor and from the parish church of Our Lady Help of Christians in Muo is described. The presentation of these instruments comprises their history and description as well as contemporary and archival photographs. The contemporary instrument in St. Tryphon’s Cathedral in Kotor is a small contemporary instrument which comes from the German organmaster’s factory Fischer + Krämer. The factory was founded in Schlatt, near Bad Krozingen, in 1970. The firm builds its instruments with mechanical key actions in wood and their pipe measurements are based on the Baden-Alsace tradition of Stieffell and also on the pattern of Andreas and Johann Andreas Silbermann. However, the history of the organ in Kotor Cathedral is relatively well documented and has been depicted by musicologists from the former Yugoslavia. The organ preserved in the church of Our Lady Help of Christians in Muo is, in its construction, an instrument belonging to the Dalmatian-Italian tradition of the organ building, which derived from Domenico Moscatelli’s factory. It was built in 1784 in Zadar and brought to Muo in 1880. The organ is a mechanical instrument containing Italian sound concept and stop naming. Its current condition is disastrous. The organ requires special care due to the fact that it reflect a substantial document of European organ building’s trends. Respect for music in its material (an instrument with a beautiful organ front) and spiritual (beauty of sounds) dimensions is required. Therefore, Boka Kotorska is not only a charming, mountainous and seaside resort, but also a place with a vital role in the contemporary account of the material heritage of Montenegrin culture.

10

Organs as an exemplification of the material heritage of Montenegrin culture Part. 2: St. Nicholas’ Church and the Church of Our Lady of the Rock in Perast

88%

Poźniak G.

Folia Organologica. International yearbook of organ and organ music

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2022

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issue 5

54-61

EN

This article is a second part of the series of texts on organs in Montenegro, in which the organs from St Nicholas’ Church and the Church of Our Lady of the Rock in Perast will be described. The description of these instruments will include their basic presentation in the context of the organ building trends in this part of Europe. Organs as a special musical instrument are an important example of the material heritage of musical culture. Montenegro, being a predominantly Orthodox country in which instrumental and vocal-instrumental music is not performed, cannot claim a large number of organs. However, their significant proportion includes historically noteworthy instruments.

11

Means of Expressing and Implying Emotions and Impoliteness in Croatian and Montenegrin Public Discourse

87%

Šarić L., Radanović Felberg T.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

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2015

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issue 9

123-148

PL

This article addresses means of expressing and implying emotions (Langlotz, Locher 2012) in realizations of impoliteness in written discourse thematizing language and identity in Croatian and Montenegrin media in 2010 and 2011. Realizations of impoliteness often relate to communicating an emotional stance that can trigger emotional responses in readers. Our discourse sample can be described as “disputes about language and identity” (cf. Felberg, Šarić 2013), which is largely characterized by conflictual disagreements. Conflictual disagreements, as Jones (2001) or Langlotz and Locher (2012) put it, do not leave one cold in face-to-face interaction: they arouse feelings of annoyance, irritation, anger, or contempt directed to the communicative partner. These observations are relevant in our context, although we deal with written discourse. The main participants in our data include well-known intellectuals, journalists, and editors. They all defend or attaca a position in discussing, among other things, “how similar ‘our’ language (Croatian/Montenegrin) is to ‘their’ language” (Serbian), and “what makes this language (Croatian/Montenegrin) a distinctive and independent entity”. These participants clearly position themselves in relation to other participants. Their positioning of the self and the other person involves negative identity-ascribing practices. Taking into consideration parameters such as the role of participants in discourse and society, context, co-text, and activity types in which discourse participants engaged, we identified various highly context-dependent types and functions of impoliteness realizations (cf. Šarić, Felberg 2015). Contrary to our expectations, the participants in the media discourse in both countries frequently use impoliteness both strategically and systematically while defending their positions. The impoliteness realizations point to emotively significant places in discourse. Their use has several functions: a prominent one is coercion through legitimizing one’s own standpoints and delegitimizing those of one’s opponents.

12

Media w Czarnogórze

75%

Łakota-Micker M.

Zeszyty Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Wyższej Szkoły Przedsiębiorczości i Techniki w Polkowicach. Studia z nauk społecznych

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2015

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issue 8

11-28

PL

Media stanowią istotny środek przekazu informacji. Kształtują świadomość obywateli i pozwalają docierać do szerokiego spectrum informacji. Nazywane nie bez znaczenia czwartą władzą poza funkcją informacyjną w wielu przypadkach odgrywają również rolę cenzorów. W Czarnogórze aspirującej do członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej, prowadzącej negocjacje akcesyjne, wydawać by się mogło, iż spełnione są wszelkie standardy w zakresie praw medialnych. Państwo przyjęło najważniejsze regulacje prawne w tej materii. Wnikliwsza analiza stanu wolności mediów czarnogórskich pokazuje jednak, że sytuacja nie jest tak przejrzysta. Media pozostają zależne od układów politycznych, źródeł finansowania. Środowisko opiniotwórcze jest skorumpowane, a sytuacja samych dziennikarzy trudna. Ci z nich, którzy podejmują się pisania o polityce, ujawniania nieczystych interesów, przewinień ze strony władz, organów wymiaru sprawiedliwości, narażeni są wielokrotnie na ataki, tak werbalne, jak i akty przemocy fizycznej. Artykuł ukazuje współczesną sytuację mediów w demokratycznym państwie, jakim jest Czarnogóra.

EN

Media constitute an important means of information transfer. They shape the citizens awareness and make it possible to reach a wide range of information. Being called the fourth estate, besides the information function, in many cases media become censors. In Montenegro, which aspires to become the member of the European Union and carries out the accession negotiations, it might seem that all standards as to the media law are kept. The country passed all the most important legal regulations in that matter. Yet, the deeper analysis of the freedom of Montenegro media shows that the situation is not so transparent. Media remain dependent on the political relations, sources of financing. The opinion-forming environment is corrupted, and the journalists’ situation is difficult. Those who attempt to write about politics, reveal underhanded business, abusive activity from the side of the authorities, judicial authorities, are often placed at risk of violence both verbal and physical. The article shows the current situation of media in the democratic country, which is Montenegro.

13

Clusters as a Factor of Rural Tourism Competitiveness: Montenegro Experiences

75%

Moric I.

Business Systems Research Journal

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2013

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vol. 4

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issue 2

94-107

EN

Background: The tourism cluster-approach is considered to be an appropriate strategy in emerging economies and less developed areas. Due to scarce resources and a great number of structural problems of rural areas in Montenegro, uniting all stakeholders and attractions into a competitive tourism cluster would ensure that the area could operate and become an effective and efficient rural tourism destination. Objectives: The objective of this paper is to highlight the key challenges of rural tourism clustering and provide new data and a wider understanding of the tourism-cluster approach in Montenegrin rural areas. Methods: Using the extensive literature, available secondary data from government bodies, NGOs, foreign development agencies, relevant international organisations and primary data collected from rural tourism operators in Montenegro, the paper investigates key challenges and factors associated with (in)efficiency of Montenegrin theme trails. Results: Several management and marketing issues are identified regarding the cluster approach implementation. Special importance and significance of information technologies and intelligent systems have been recognized in sense of cost-effective marketing implementation. Most Montenegrin trails are still in the first phase of cluster development, whereas just two of them have experienced a significant improvement in cooperative behaviour. Conclusions: Key benefits of the cluster approach are noted and clearly defined, but in the case of the Montenegrin rural tourism sector, these potentials are still, to a large extent, underused.

14

Kształtowanie relacji państwo–diaspora: przykład czarnogórski

71%

Domachowska A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2019

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issue 1

41-58

EN

The aim of the article is to analyze state-diaspora relations, using Montenegro as an example. The literature on the topic shows a visible lack of thorough studies of this phenomenon. Montenegro is an interesting case, since the number of people living in diasporas is comparable to the total population of the state. The article is divided into four parts. Part one presents theoretical consideration of the diaspora, as well as the state-diaspora relations. Part two features a brief characterization of the diasporas in Montenegro, its history and migration directions. Part three is an analysis of relations between Montenegro and the diaspora. Particular attention is given to the process of institutionalization of these relations. The article ends with conclusions.

PL

Celem artykułu jest dokonanie analizy relacji państwo-diaspora na przykładzie Czarnogóry. W literaturze przedmiotu zauważalny jest brak dogłębnych badań tego zjawiska. Czarnogóra stanowi interesujący przypadek ze względu fakt, że liczba osób żyjących w diasporach jest porównywalna do liczby mieszkańców tego państwa. Artykuł składa się z czterech części. Pierwsza z nich stanowi przedstawienie rozważań teoretycznych na temat diaspor, ale także relacji państwo-diaspora. W kolejnej została pokrótce scharakteryzowana czarnogórska diaspora - jej historia, liczebność oraz kierunki emigracji. Trzecia część stanowi analizę kształtowanych przez Czarnogórę relacji z diasporą. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na proces instytucjonalizacji owych stosunków. Artykuł kończy podsumowanie.

15

Cele polityczne i terytorialne Królestwa Czarnogóry w przededniu i w trakcie I wojny bałkańskiej

71%

Szczepański W.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2013

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vol. 20

117-136

EN

Montenegro, the smallest of the Balkan states in the beginning of the 20th century, was especially interested in creating an anti-Turkish alliance. It aimed at attaching the fertile lands of Sandžak of Novi Pazar, Metohija and Shkodër. Finally, as a result of the I Balkan War, it managed to achieve the first two aims, only if partially, because it had to share those lands with Serbia. Montenegro did not manage to take over control of Shkodër and the surroundings inhabited mainly by Albanians. There were many reasons why Montenegro did not manage to realize its territorial aspirations: – the poor financial condition of the state of Montenegro on the eve of the war, which prevented them from gaining a strong position in the Balkan alliance and made a success in its military actions dependent on the allies, especially on Serbia; – the detrimental pressure exerted by king Nicolas I to fight at any cost for the control over Shkodër; – a conflict of interest and mistakes made by the Montenegro authorities in developing their relations with Serbia, which weighed later on the relations between Montenegro and Serbia in the period between the Balkan wars and the First World War, as well as at the time when Yugoslavia began to unite around the idea of building the common state. – not appreciating to a sufficient degree the significance of the Albanian problem and not using the possession of the North Albanian lands as a bargaining chip in the relations with neighbors, particularly with Serbia.

16

Remains of the Neglected Past. Ottoman Forts on Planinica Hill, Montenegro

63%

Bugaj U., Lutovac P., Trzeciecki M., Bogacki M., Chwiej M., Novak M., Polak Z.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2014

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vol. 66

385–398

EN

Planinica — a hill situated on the edge of a vast mountain range delimited to the south-east by the Zeta Plain. It is a part of historical region known as Malesija inhabited mainly by the Albanians. During the field research on Planinica in 2012–2013 a group of stone structures was documented. It consists of circular stone tower surrounded by quadrilateral wall, several small enclosures of trapezoid or pentagonal plan and a network of roads leading to the top of the hill. The arrangement of the buildings indicates that the most likely function was military. They can be described as an observatory tower surrounded by small auxiliary forts. The complex of stone structures on Planinica was most probably built by the Turks after 1878 as a part of system of fortifications guarding newly established Turkish-Montenegrin border. The border survived until the Balkan War in 1912. After that Planinica was no longer been a point of military interest and the forts on its top have undergone progressive destruction. The stone structures on Planinica are not mentioned either in archaeological or historical publications in Montenegro, except the watchtower, which is interpreted as a prehistoric burial mound destroyed by the Turks. The buildings on Planinica hill remain “in the shadow” of the prehistoric stone tumuli, which represent a positively valorised, very distant past.

17

Agencies in Three South Eastern European Countries: Politics, Expertise and Law

63%

Koprić I., Kovač P., Musa A.

NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy

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2012

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vol. 5

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issue 2

17-44

EN

Agencies are an organisational form with regulatory, expert or executive tasks that may ensure better usage of expertise compared to traditional administrative organisations. However, there are certain unintentional effects of the agency model, which are more obvious in transitional countries. Coordination and policy coherence gaps may raise the question of political accountability, provoke robust political interventions, and undermine the level of autonomy and expertise, especially where a firm legal framework does not limit the influence of politics. Another problem is the effective legal control over agencies. Traditional, bureaucratic legal procedures of internal control and courts’ supervision in certain transition countries, like those researched in the paper (Slovenia, Croatia and Montenegro), are not fully suitable and effective for agencies, opening significant room for politicisation hidden behind expertise. The recent proliferation of agencies in those countries causes many new problems of public administration and enhances old ones. Interview-based research conducted in three countries in January 2012 has the purpose to establish the main problems and issues in the functioning of agencies, especially with regard to the legal aspect of agency and politics / policy relations. Basic findings confirm the hypothesis that the agency model in those countries has not been stabilised yet. Professionalism, autonomy and expertise of the agencies are in a precarious position. The legal framework for agencies should be fine-tuned and strengthened, to ensure proper steering within the agency model.

18

Przyczynek do wiedzy o ważkach (Odonata) Czarnogóry, z pierwszym stwierdzeniem Ophiogomphus cecilia (Fourcroy, 1785)

63%

Buczyński P., Zawal A., Stępień E., Buczyńska E., Pešić V.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio C – Biologia

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2013

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vol. 68

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issue 2

EN

Authors discuss the collection of larvae and imagines of Odonata which was collected during hydrobiological and acarological studies conducted in Montenegro in 2010 and 2012. The material encompasses 28 dragonfly species of which Ophiogomphus cecilia has been recorded in this country for the first time. The updated checklist of the dragonflies of Montenegro was also provided.

PL

Autorzy omawiają zbiór larw i imagines Odonata, który zgromadzono podczas badań hydrobiologicznych i akarologicznych prowadzonych w Czarnogórze w latach 2010 i 2012. Obejmuje on 28 gatunków, z których Ophiogomphus cecilia stwierdzono pierwszy raz w tym kraju. Przedstawiono też uzupełniony wykaz ważek Czarnogóry.

19

Aktywność Komisji Weneckiej na rzecz poprawy standardów demokratycznych w prawodawstwie Czarnogóry w latach 2011–2014

63%

Klimkowski M.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2018

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issue 4 (44)

247-261

PL

Niniejsza praca jest próbą ukazania aktywności Komisji Weneckiej względem Czarnogóry w latach 2011–2014. Komisja na rzecz Demokracji przez Prawo skupia swoją działalność przede wszystkim na prawie konstytucyjnym, analizując nie tylko projekty zmian w ustawach zasadniczych, ale także wszelkie poprawki do konstytucji oraz inne akty prawne związane z zasadniczym porządkiem ustrojowym. Opisywane w tekście działania Komisji odnoszą się do Czarnogóry, będącą demokracją parlamentarną, której ustrój polityczny reguluje Konstytucja z 2007 r. Państwo to ubiega się o członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej, która rozpoczęła negocjacje akcesyjne w czerwcu 2012 r. Jednak w kwestii dostępowania do standardów europejskich jest jeszcze wiele kwestii, które wymagają znacznej uwagi, by osiągnąć pożądany stan, zgodny z normami funkcjonującymi na Zachodzie Europy. Pierwsza część tekstu to wprowadzenie do tematyki działalności Komisji Weneckiej. Druga część dotyczy aktywności Komisji w kwestiach pomocy prawnej i jej misji na rzecz poprawy standardów demokratycznych i ochrony praw człowieka. Trzecia część tekstu to próba zaprezentowania wpływu Komisji Weneckiej, poprzez jej opinie i zalecenia, na proces prawodawczy Czarnogóry. Skoncentrowano się w nim na aktywności Komisji oraz jej ewentualnego wpływu na poprawę przestrzegania standardów demokratycznych w Czarnogórze. Myśl końcowa stanowi z kolei próbę wyciągnięcia wniosków z przeanalizowanego materiału.

EN

This paper is an attempt to show the activity of the Venice Commission regarding Montenegro in 2011–2014. The Commission for Democracy through Law focuses its activity primarily on constitutional law, analyzing not only draft amendments to fundamental law, but also all amendments to the constitution and other legal acts related to the fundamental system order. The actions of the Commission described in the text refer to Montenegro, which is a parliamentary democracy, the political system of which is governed by the 2007 Constitution. The state is applying for membership in the European Union, which began accession negotiations in June 2012. However, there are still many issues in terms of compatibility to European standards, which require significant attention to reach the desired state, in line with the standards functioning in the West of Europe. The first part of the text is an introduction to the subject of the Venice Commission’s activities. The second part deals with the Commission’s activities in matters of legal aid and its mission to improve democratic standards and the protection of human rights. The third part of the text is an attempt to present the influence of the Venice Commission, through its opinions and recommendations, on the legislative process of Montenegro. It focused on the Commission’s activities and its possible impact on improving the observance of democratic standards in Montenegro. The final thought is in turn an attempt to draw conclusions from the analyzed material.

20

Milo Djukanović – droga na szczyt

63%

Łakota-Micker M.

|

2021

|

vol. 12

|

issue 38

49-67

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: This article is the first in a series describing the years of youth and the rise to power of a key Montenegrin politician – Milo Djukanović. The aim of this article is to trace the influence of various external factors on his political decisions and actions. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The years of youth and the environment in which the politician grew up had a huge impact on the direction he adopted. Brought up under the watchful eye of his father – a judge and member of the Communist Alliance of Montenegro, he was interested in politics from an early age. He quickly climbed the career ladder. Enthusiasm, accurate observations, and accurate statements made him noticed by Slobodan Milošević. The article poses questions about the Djukanović phenomenon. What is the mastery of his political tactics? THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Following the fate and political career of Djukanović, it is difficult not to pay attention to the politician’s attitude. The fact that he had a strong family support, grew up in an environment with revolutionary views, had the audacity to dream, gave him the strength to fight for Montenegro’s independence. Loved by crowds, but also hated by them. Accused of corruption, links with the criminal world, a master of political tactics, but also its silent hostage. RESEARCH RESULTS: Milo Djukanović is second to none. His dizzying career and popularity elevated him to the pinnacle of politics, enabling him to establish numerous friendships and getting involved with the most prominent personalities. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In a small country like Montenegro, there is a thin line that separates what is decent and allowed from what is politically incorrect and illegal. In his career, Djukanović has often balanced between what is politically correct and what is illegal and immoral.

PL

CEL NAUKOWY: Niniejszy artykuł, opisujący lata młodości i dojście do władzy kluczowego polityka czarnogórskiego – Milo Djukanovića, jest pierwszym z cyklu, który ma za cel prześledzenie wpływu różnych czynników zewnętrznych na jego polityczne decyzje i podejmowane działania. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Lata młodości i środowisko, w jakim dorastał polityk, wywarły ogromny wpływ na przyjęty przez niego kierunek. Ukształtowały jego polityczną świadomość. Wychowywany pod okiem ojca – sędziego i członka Sojuszu Komunistów Czarnogóry – zainteresowanie polityką przejawiał od najmłodszych lat. Szybko piął się po szczeblach kariery, nabywając obycia i pewności siebie. Zapał, trafne spostrzeżenia, celne wypowiedzi sprawiły, że został zauważony przez Slobodana Miloševića. Lekcja życia, jaką zdobył u boku jugosłowiańskiego i serbskiego przywódcy politycznego, otworzyła mu drzwi do kariery. W artykule postawione zostały pytania o fenomen Djukanovića. W czym tkwi mistrzostwo jego taktyki politycznej? Co sprawia, że nie ma sobie równych? PROCES WYWODU: Śledząc losy i karierę polityczną Milo Djukanovića trudno nie zwrócić uwagi na postawę polityka. Fakt, że miał on silne oparcie w rodzinie, dorastał w otoczeniu o poglądach rewolucyjnych, umiał marzyć, dał mu siłę, aby walczyć o niepodległość Czarnogóry. Człowiek z charyzmą, kulturą osobistą, szczery i otwarty. Dżentelmen i buntownik nie bojący się mówić, co myśli. Od trzech dekad najpopularniejszy polityk Czarnogóry. Kochany przez tłumy, ale i przez nie nienawidzony. Oskarżany o korupcję, powiązania ze światem przestępczym, mistrz taktyki politycznej, ale i jej cichy zakładnik. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Milo Djukanović nie ma sobie równych. Jego zawrotna kariera oraz popularność wyniosły go na szczyt polityki, umożliwiając nawiązanie licznych znajomości i wciągając w układy z najbardziej prominentnymi osobistościami. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W małym państwie, jakim jest Czarnogóra, cienka jest linia oddzielająca to, co przyzwoite i dozwolone, od tego, co niepoprawne politycznie i nielegalne. W swej karierze Djukanović nieraz balansował między tym, co poprawne politycznie, a niedozwolone prawem i niemoralne.

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