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EN
The implementation of socialism in North Korea required the large-scale involvement of women in economic relations. In order to align the rights of women and men in social life, the government pursued a policy of gender equality, conducting extensive advocacy among the female population aimed at a transformation of the understanding of women’s social roles and the nature of femininity. In the original context of women being encouraged to be workers and passionate contributors to the construction of the socialist state, the traditional stance on women as caring mothers and wives was supplemented with internationalist rhetoric on womanhood. However, with the transition to the Juche-oriented socialism, the discourse on women was modified, increasing the emphasis on motherhood and childrearing and reducing internationalism. Based on an analysis of the women’s magazine The Korean Woman (Joseon Nyeoseong), the present study analyses discourses on motherhood and childrearing in 21st century North Korea. The preliminary results of the research show that, while motherhood remains an essential component of the discourse on women, it is formulated in terms of building a powerful socialist state.
EN
The aim of the article is to show the socio-cultural conditions influencing the ways of expressing emotions and feelings by mothers. It presents the results of the analysis of the Internet discourse on negative attitudes towards motherhood and/or a child/children. The text is built on the author’s research on the issue of “regretting motherhood” and is based on a qualitative analysis of the content-blog entries/posts: nieperfekcyjnie.pl [notperfect.pl], matkawygodna.pl [slackermom.pl], mamwatpliwosc.pl [ihaveadoubt.pl], and in the group-Internet forum-Żałuję rodzicielstwa [I regret parenthood]. The theoretical basis were the concepts included in the sociology of symbolic interactionism.
EN
In funeral orations, the fact of being a mother was underlined as the major merit of the dead. The number of children to whom she gave birth and whom she raised were mentioned with pride. So the motherhood constituted the main mission of the woman. Not only nursing children, but also forming their character and mind belonged to the responsibilities of women. A good mother, according to preachers, was supposed to be pious, sensible and hard-working. The Old Polish education ideal, in spite of social and material differences, had more than a class character. It concerned mainly girls, because they rarely expressed their opinion about their education and in less detail. It is possible to distinguish two types of educating women. The first one was called “conservative” and was supposed to prepare young girls for their future role of the wife, the mother and the housewife. The second was known as “progressive” as it recognized the equal status of the man and the woman and therefore she could develop intellectually. The daughters of magnates and rich gentry received their education in aristocratic manor houses or at convent schools, whereas poorer girls had to be satisfied with home upbringing. Nevertheless, irrespective of the place in which the girl received her education, she was prepared for her main practical role of the wife, the mother and the housewife.
PL
Anger which is appearing in children, father isn’t guilty only mother – influence of the mother on raising one’s children in Polish printed funeral orations of the 17th century. In funeral orations, the fact of being a mother was underlined as the major merit of the dead. The number of children to whom she gave birth and whom she raised were mentioned with pride. So the motherhood constituted the main mission of the woman. Not only nursing children, but also forming their character and mind belonged to the responsibilities of women. A good mother, according to preachers, was supposed to be pious, sensible and hard-working. The Old Polish education ideal, in spite of social and material differences, had more than a class character. It concerned mainly girls, because they rarely expressed their opinion about their education and in less detail. It is possible to distinguish two types of educating women. The first one was called “conservative” and was supposed to prepare young girls for their future role of the wife, the mother and the housewife. The second was known as “progressive” as it recognized the equal status of the man and the woman and therefore she could develop intellectually. The daughters of magnates and rich gentry received their education in aristocratic manor houses or at convent schools, whereas poorer girls had to be satisfied with home upbringing. Nevertheless, irrespective of the place in which the girl received her education, she was prepared for her main practical role of the wife, the mother and the housewife.
EN
This article monitors the transition of women and men to their first-time parenthood based on their own accounts. It is based on longitudinal research that observed sixteen heterosexual couples from pregnancy and over several years after the birth of their child. The analysed interviews made up the second wave of the research and were conducted when the first-born child was one and a half to one and three-quarters years old. While the women described their transition to motherhood as crucial, significant and clear, the transition to fatherhood was rather bland, gradual and hazy in men’s narratives. The mothers depicted the impacts of parenthood on their everyday life as great and often pervasive, while the fathers tended to see them as minor or even nonexistent. The difference in mothers’ and fathers’ accounts is interpreted as a consequence of different conceptions of identities by women and men and their gender roles. While motherhood is an important part of femininity and for this reason it is an important central identity for women, the hegemonic concept of masculinity does not include fatherhood; it is the work identity that is the central identity of both men and fathers. The distinct roles of the mother as caregiver and the man as breadwinner contribute to the fact that the men usually do not describe their transition to fatherhood, in the first two years after childbirth, as a significant life turning point.
EN
The article features the issue of establishing who is the father and the motherof a child born of an assisted procreation procedure. Recently, there has been made an importantamendment to the Polish Family and Custody Code (with the Act of 6 November2008). The new solutions introduced by the Legislator deal in part with the issues pertainingto medically assisted procreation (e.g. artificial insemination, in vitro fertilization).First, it has been definitely settled that the mother is the woman who gives birth toa child (Art. 619 of the Family and custody Code). Second, the father of a child conceivedas a result of a medical procedure is the mother’s husband who gave his consent for theprocedure (Art. 68 of the Family and Custody Code). In view of the Polish family law,therefore, parenthood is established based on: – a biological fact, i.e. giving birth to a child; – legal presumptions concerning fatherhood of the mother’s husband and a man whohas had sexual relations with the child’s mother before the child’s birth, during theconception period; – the husband’s consent to the medical procedure his wife was treated with. Please note however that the medically assisted procreation is a serious challengefor legislators who intend to create legal solutions which take into account the ex aequoet bono principle.
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
|
2021
|
vol. 64
|
issue 4
19-31
EN
The paper is devoted to motherhood as a culture-creating and meaning-making value, in an individual existential experience. Revealing the semantic scope of the word “motherhood” by lexical and cultural context analyses was the aim of the research. The group of the Russian women-entrepreneurs was selected as a case study. An assumption was made that values and the relations between them create the net which sustain social structure in its communication aspect. It was concluded that, despite the changing socio-cultural context, the essence of motherhood as not only a biological function but also ontological one – as associated with creation – has not been changed. It is archetypical and autotelic value, and it makes the basis of culture.    
PL
Artykuł został poświęcony analizie macierzyństwa jako jednej z wartości organizujących kulturę i nadających sens jednostkowemu doświadczeniu. Celem analiz było zbadanie semantyki słowa „macierzyństwo” poprzez analizę leksykalnego i kulturowego kontekstu we współczesnych ujęciach, w grupie rosyjskich kobiet-przedsiębiorczyń. Przyjęto założenie, że wartości wraz z ich wzajemnymi relacjami tworzą sieć podtrzymującą strukturę społeczną w jej aspekcie komunikacyjnym. Wywnioskowano, że pomimo zmieniającego się kontekstu kulturowo-społecznego istota macierzyństwa jako funkcji nie tylko biologicznej, ale także powiązanej z ontologią – tworzeniem, nie uległo zmianie. Pozostając wartością archetypową, a przy tym autoteliczną nadal stanowi fundament kulturotwórczy.
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