Search results

1

Overshadowed by kala. India‑Burma Relations

100%

Lubina M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 40

435-454

EN

India seems to fit well with Burma. Long common history, deep cultural relations, similar heritage and geographic proximity – all this should help to upgrade India‑Burma relations. There is, however, one major obstacle: a historical and cultural burden, which can be summarized by the Burmese name for Indians: kala. Literally kala means “alien,” but at present it refers to Indians only. In Burmese conditions it has a wider, metaphorical meaning: something between “unwanted,” “hated” and “despicable.” In this sense, kala is a cultural phenomenon, a kind of “burdensome heritage” that influences the political relations between India and Burma. In this way, kala still looms large on the horizon of India‑Burma relations blocks their development.

2

Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma’s Foreign Policy.

100%

Lubina M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 3

161-175

EN

This paper deals with the problem of the Burma-Korea relations. It starts from the intriguing fact that both Burma and Korea, despite not having much in common, have been called the Hermit Kingdoms. This paper asks whether this “hermit” similarity has had any effect on their relations and what the place of Korea in Burma’s foreign policy has been. After describing the hermit heritage in the Burmese and the Korean political cultures, this papers concludes that Korean issues have not been central to the Burmese policy. They form an important, though a secondary, dimension. As for the place of Korea(s) in Burma’s foreign policy, the answer is equally unimpressive. The political relations between Burma and both Korean states have not been strategic. Two events attracted the world’s attention to the Burmese-Korean relations – the assassination in Rangoon and Burma’s nuclear affair with North Korea – but both turned out to be mere incidents. North Korea – Burma relations stalled, or hibernated, after Burma started its reforms and opening up to the West in 2011. For the same reasons of reforms, however, Burma has become even more interesting for South Korea. Myanmar may become a place for massive South Korean investments soon. It is the economic dominance of South Korea that makes the Burma-Korea relations asymmetric. It’s a “normalized asymmetry”, however, one where both sides are confident of fulﬁ lling their basic interests and expectations of mutual benefits. This “normalized asymmetry” makes the Burma-South Korea relations bound to develop in the future.

3

Post-socialist Myanmar and the East Asian Development Model

100%

Bolesta A.

Central European Economic Journal

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2018

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vol. 5

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issue 52

EN

Myanmar has been undergoing a process of post-socialist systemic transformation. During the reform period, its authorities used policy and institutional solutions of the East Asian development model in its post-socialist version, creating foundations for the post-socialist developmental state (PSDS).

4

A Tale of Two Countries: Nation Building and Security Challenges in Myanmar and Indonesia

100%

RUSSELL M.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2018

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issue 11

409-419

EN

For most of the former European colonies of South and Southeast Asia, the end of the Second World War was also the beginning of the end of colonial rule. With independence came the challenge of unifying disparate ethnic, religious and linguistic communities into cohesive nations– a challenge that some countries met more successfully than others. The price of failure could be high – hundreds of thousands were killed, and many millions displaced in 1947, as inter-communal conflicts tore British India apart. Indonesia declared independence in 1945 (a declaration not recognised by the country’s Dutch colonial rulers until 1949), while Burma (as Myanmar was then known) was granted independence by Britain in 1948. Both countries were able to avoid tragedies on the scale of the Indian Partition. Nevertheless, nation-building has been a difficult and as yet uncompleted process, the source of continuing challenges tonational security. This article looks at the situation in the two countries, traces the origins of some of the current problems, and attempts to explain why Indonesia has generally been more successful in this respect than Myanmar, despite the similarities in the initial situations of the two countries.

5

Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

100%

Lubina M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

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issue 2 (379)

49-63

EN

Against the background of the dramatic events unfolding in Myanmar/Burma - the military has been pacifying the mass peaceful protests there - the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, the political leader of Myanmar/Burma in 2016-2021 and previously the most famous political prisoner worldwide, is nearing its end. Once the darling of the Western world, then mercilessly criticised by yesterday supporters, Suu Kyi remains an ambiguous person evoking strong emotions both domestically and internationally. As such Suu Kyi represents a fascinating case study in leadership studies. Using the agency-centred explanation in political studies, this article tries to answer the following questions: what enabled Suu Kyi to take power and which factor contributed to her political fall? Why there is her political demise? Why Suu Kyi enjoyed the West's support and why she lost it? How can we assess her governanance?

6

A Lioness Turned into a Fox. A Political Realist View of Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi

100%

Lubina M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2020

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issue 2 (49)

41-57

EN

For long Aung San Suu Kyi has been considered a global hero. After 2012, however, that deification has given way to condemnation. Suu Kyi was a hero; a hero who after 2012 betrayed the alleged values. The reason of this radical change of perception is the fact that until 2012 Suu Kyi had been considered a personification of idealism in politics and for “betraying” these values she has been criticized since then. This article claims that both mentioned discourses on Suu Kyi miss the point and are being built on wrong assumptions. Contrary to popular belief Suu Kyi has always been a politician; more: a realist politician. Therefore, the aspects that should be questioned are not whether is she a good or bad one or whether she turned away from the people or even whether she has changed or not, etc. The question is, whether she is a skillful politician – she must be judged by the ethic of responsibility. Suu Kyi’s tactics evolved according with changing political circumstances – she combined two archetypes of political behavior: that of a “lion”, or rather “lioness” and that of a “fox”. That itself shows one thing: Suu Kyi possesses prudence, the ultimate political value.

7

The political twilight of the Burmese Nobel Prize laureate

100%

Lubina M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2023

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issue Special Issue 2023

121-137

EN

Against the background of the dramatic events unfolding in Myanmar/Burma where the military had been pacifying mass peaceful protests, the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, the political leader of Myanmar/Burma in 2016-2021 and previously one of the world’s most famous political prisoners, is nearing its end. Once the darling of the Western world, then mercilessly criticised by former supporters, Aung San Suu Kyi remains an ambiguous figure who evokes strong emotions both domestically and internationally. As such Aung San Suu Kyi represents a fascinating case study in leadership studies. Using the agency-centred explanation in political studies, this article tries to answer the questions related to the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi. These include: What allowed her to take power and what factors contributed to her political fall? What caused her political decline? Why did Suu Kyi enjoy the Western support and why did she lose it? How can her governance be assessed?

8

Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?

86%

Holmes A. J.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2019

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issue 51

EN

Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?This article explores the United Kingdom’s response to the Rohingya Crisis which began in August 2017, resulting in the ethnic cleansing of 600,000 Rohingya Muslims in the first nine weeks of violence, with a minimum of 6,700 people being killed in the process. The United Kingdom reacted with condemnation, and began immediately calling for the safe return of refugees who had fled the violence, to their homes in Rakhine state, Myanmar. Using the testimony from Mark Field MP, Minister for Asia, in a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting, this essay assesses this policy of pushing for the return of the Rohingya to their homes. Using primary sources available to Britain at the time its policy was formed, this essay argues that Britain’s approach was not only unrealistic with regards to providing an environment in which Rohingya refugees would be provided safety, but also in relation to Burmese authorities’ desires to take back Rohingya refugees. Myanmar’s campaign of ethnic cleansing intentionally created the environment in which either the Rohingya would never return, or they would return to state-controlled concentration camps. Secondary material expires the history of violent state policies against the Rohingya in Myanmar, and Britain’s policy is shown to not only be unworkable due to such policies, but would actively endanger those refugees who chose to return. Czy polityka Wielkiej Brytanii w kwestii powrotu uchodźców Rohyngia do Birmy po czystkach etnicznych w 2007 roku była realistyczna?Artykuł omawia kryzys, który rozpoczął się w sierpniu 2017 roku i spowodował czystki etniczne obejmujące około 600 000 muzułmanów z ludu Rohyngya, przy czym w pierwszych 9 tygodniach gwałtownych zamieszek śmierć poniosło co najmniej 6700 osób. Zjednoczone Królestwo potępiło czystki i natychmiast wezwało do umożliwienia uchodźcom bezpiecznego powrotu do ich domów w Birmie. Na podstawie wyjaśnień ministra ds. Azji Marka Fielda, członka parlamentu, Komitet ds. Spraw Zagranicznych na swym posiedzeniu dokonał oceny tej polityki, polegającej na nakłanianiu ich do powrotu do Birmy. Opierając się na źródłach dostępnych w Wielkiej Brytanii w chwili, gdy tworzyły się zręby tej polityki, autor eseju dowodzi, że ten kierunek polityczny był nie tylko nierealistyczny w odniesieniu do możliwości zapewnienia uchodźcom bezpieczeństwa, ale także sprzeczny z zamiarami władz Birmy w kwestii przyjęcia uchodźców. Birmańska kampania czystek etnicznych świadomie stworzyła sytuację, w której Rohingya nigdy nie powrócą bądź wracaliby do kontrolowanych przez państwo obozów koncentracyjnych. Dostępne opracowania analizują historię przemocy wobec ludności Rohyngya w Birmie i ukazują politykę Wielkiej Brytanii nie tylko jako nieskuteczną z powodu takich posunięć politycznych, ale także wskazują, że zagrażałaby ona życiu decydujących się na powrót uchodźców.

9

E-politics from the citizens’ perspective. The role of social networking tools in influencing citizens

86%

Kapsa I.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2018

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issue 3

145-153

EN

The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, has led to a series of social, economic and political changes. The information society, in its expectations and through access to knowledge, has significantly affected a change in the model of democracy, causing a kind of return to the original forms of communication in citizen-government relations. This has been accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from the real to the virtual world. In literature, the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is named electronic democracy. One of its forms is e-politics, which is implemented at several levels: institutional, system and civil. A good example of the last type are the new social movements that in recent years have had a significant impact on politics. The basic research problem in this paper concerns e-politics from the citizens’ perspective, through the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. The main research goal is therefore to present the role of social networking tools in influencing citizens and their subsequent activities that have triggered changes in the political system. The methods used in the paper are case study and comparative analysis.

10

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

86%

Lubina M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2018

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vol. 1 (47)

77-96

EN

Burma/Myanmar seems to be a perfect ground for transitional justice with both long-failed transitions to democracy that seemed to succeed in 2015 finally and smouldering civil war taking place there since 1948 (since the 1990s limited to Borderlands). Unfortunately, the political realities in Burma/Myanmar make it unlikely, if not impossible, for transitional justice to be applicable in Burma/Myanmar. The victorious in 2015 elections democratic opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power thanks to the political deal with the former military government and is consequently being forced to cohabitate politically with the army that still holds critical political checks over the government. It made NLD’s leader, Aung San Suu Kyi to conduct moderate domestic policy without trying to charge the generals for their former crimes. In this circumstances, transitional justice is unwanted by mainstream political actors (NLD, the army) and seen as threatening to peace by many in the Myanmar society. This approach firmly places Burma/Myanmar on one side of the ‘peace vs justice’ dilemma. It answers the “torturer problem”, one of the central problems of transitional justice – how to deal with members of the previous regime which violated human rights – in ‘old fashion’ way, by granting them full amnesty. As such Burma/Myanmar case also falsifies an optimistic claim that transitional justice is necessary for political reforms.

11

Autonomia terytorialna mniejszości narodowych. Ujęcie komparatystyczne na przykładzie Mjanmy, Panamy i Boliwii

72%

Sobczyński M.

Rozwój Regionalny i Polityka Regionalna

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2021

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issue 54

193-226

EN

The article reviews the policy of states in relation to national minorities and the processes of granting them territorial autonomy, based on the example of three countries geographically differentiated, with different histories and diverse national structures. Myanmar, Panama and Bolivia were selected for the analysis. In all these states, the Bolshevik practice of separating autonomous areas according to the distribution of individual nations was used, which, as the practice shows, usually leads to the disintegration of states. Also, two of the analyzed countries have already embarked on the path of disintegration.

PL

W artykule dokonano przeglądu polityki państw w stosunku do mniejszości narodowościowych i procesów nadawania im autonomii terytorialnej na przykładzie trzech krajów zróżnicowanych pod względem położenia geograficznego, odmiennych dziejów i zróżnicowanych struktur narodowych. Do analizy wybrano Mjanmę, Panamę i Boliwię. We wszystkich tych państwach zastosowano bolszewicką praktykę wydzielania obszarów autonomicznych zgodnie z rozmieszczeniem poszczególnych narodów, co – jak pokazuje praktyka – prowadzi zazwyczaj do dezintegracji państw. Dwa spośród analizowanych państw weszły już na drogę dezintegracji.

12

W świecie birmańskiego terroryzmu religijnego

72%

Pietrasik K.

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2022

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vol. 20

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issue 4

249-260

EN

The text focuses on the discussion of religious terrorism by the Buddhist majority against the Muslim minority, which has been a discriminated group for many years. The precursor to today's Burmese fundamentalism is the clergyman, Saydaw Wirathu. Wirathu calls himself Burmese bin Laden.

PL

W tekście skupiono się na omówieniu terroryzmu religijnego ze strony buddyjskiej większości względem mniejszości muzułmańskiej, która od wielu lat jest grupą dyskryminowaną. Prekursorem dzisiejszego fundamentalizmu birmańskiego jest duchowny, Saydaw Wirathu. Wirathu sam siebie nazywa birmańskim bin Ladenem.

13

Prawo do edukacji uchodźców Rohingya

58%

Jaremba M.

Społeczeństwo i Polityka

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2019

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issue 4(61)

177-189

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie problemu dostępu do edukacji dla uchodźców Rohingya. Pomimo tego, że liczne przepisy prawne aktów międzynarodowych zapewniają powszechny i bezpłatny dostęp do edukacji podstawowej dla każdego człowieka na świecie, nadal są miejsca, gdzie takie prawa nie są respektowane. Widać to na przykładzie uchodźców Rohingya, którym utrudnia się dostęp do edukacji. Jedną z części artykułu jest przedstawienie najważniejszych aktów prawnych zapewniających prawo do nauki. Główną częścią publikacji jest ukazanie problemów w dostępie do edukacji dla uchodźców Rohingya w Mjanmie, Bangladeszu, Tajlandii i Malezji. Analizie zostały poddane takie czynniki, jak dostęp do wykwalifi kowanej kadry nauczycielskiej czy liczba miejsc w szkołach przeznaczonych dla uchodźców Rohingya.

EN

The article aims to present the problem of access to education for Rohingya refugees. Although various legal provisions of international acts guarantee universal and free access to basic education for everyone in the world, there are still places where such rights are not respected. The phenomenon can be observed in the case of Rohingya refugees whose access to education is hindered. One component of the article is the presentation of the most signifi cant legal acts which ensure a person’s right to education. The main part of the publication indicates the problems concerning access to education for Rohingya refugees in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Thailand and Malaysia. The article analyses factors such as access to qualifi ed teaching staff and the number of places in schools for Rohingya refugees.

14

Konflikt buddyjsko-muzułmański w birmańskim Arakanie jako przykład konsekwencji dekolonizacji w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

58%

Lubina M.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2019

|

issue 34

299-315

PL

Uwagę naukowców, dziennikarzy i innych publicystów piszących o Birmie w ostatnich latach przykuła przede wszystkim sprawa prześladowań nieuznanej muzułmańskiej mniejszości Rohingya, której większość ludności została wygnana do Bangladeszu. Brutalna rozprawa armii birmańskiej z Rohingya, niosąca znamiona zbrodni przeciw ludzkości i czystki etnicznej, zepchnęła na dalszy plan birmańską transformację ustrojową i zniszczyła dobry image międzynarodowy Birmy. Sam casus Rohingya pokazuje z kolei w modelowy wręcz sposób głębsze, bo sięgające kolonializmu i dekolonizacji przyczyny konfliktów na obszarach postkolonialnych ogóle, a w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej i Azji Południowej w szczególności.

EN

In the recent years, repression against Rohingya – an unrecognized Muslim minority in Burma/Myanmar expelled recently from Myanmar to Bangladesh – became the most recognised Burma-related (or perhaps even Southeast Asia-related) event worldwide. Rohingya’s exodus, accompanied by crimes against humanity, overshadowed Myanmar’s political transformation and annihilated the positive image of this country. The background that led to this ethnic cleansing, however, is deeper and connected to the painful decolonisation of Burma. As such, it represents the model case study of problematic decolonisation in Southeast Asia.

15

Syria 2.0? Czy Birma w dalekowschodniej polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej odegra podobną rolę do Syrii w bliskowschodniej strategii Kremla?

58%

Lubina M.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2023

|

vol. 3(39)

9-35

PL

Jednym z nieoczekiwanych pobocznych następstw wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej jest intensyfikacja stosunków rosyjsko-birmańskich. Dla Rosji Birma była tradycyjnie drugorzędnym partnerem, istotnym tylko ze względu na bycie ważnym klientem kompleksu wojenno-przemysłowego. Globalna półizolacja Federacji Rosyjskiej po napaści na Ukrainę zmieniła te kalkulacje podnosząc znaczenie Birmy w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Dla samej Birmy stosunki te stały się istotne już wcześniej, zwłaszcza po wojskowym puczu w 2021 r., gdy Rosja wyrosła na główną protektorkę birmańskich generałów. Powyższe przyczyny sprawiły, że stosunki rosyjsko-birmańskie osiągnęły największą, bezprecedensową intensyfikację w całej swojej historii.

EN

The intensification of Russia-Myanmar relations has been one of the unexpected consequences of Russo-Ukrainian war. For Russian Federation Burma/ Myanmar used to be a secondary partner, important only due to being the major client of the military-industrial complex. Global (semi)isolation of Russia changed these calculations, upgrading the importance of Myanmar in Russia’s foreign policy. For Naypyidaw these relations have been important since the last coup (1 February 2021), in the aftermath of the putsch Moscow became the biggest international protector of Burmese generals. Due to these two reasons Russia-Myanmar relations have reached the unprecedented high level, unseen in history of this bilateral relations.

Refine search results

Overshadowed by kala. India‑Burma Relations

Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma’s Foreign Policy.

Post-socialist Myanmar and the East Asian Development Model

A Tale of Two Countries: Nation Building and Security Challenges in Myanmar and Indonesia

Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

A Lioness Turned into a Fox. A Political Realist View of Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi

The political twilight of the Burmese Nobel Prize laureate

Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?

E-politics from the citizens’ perspective. The role of social networking tools in influencing citizens

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

Autonomia terytorialna mniejszości narodowych. Ujęcie komparatystyczne na przykładzie Mjanmy, Panamy i Boliwii

W świecie birmańskiego terroryzmu religijnego

Prawo do edukacji uchodźców Rohingya

Konflikt buddyjsko-muzułmański w birmańskim Arakanie jako przykład konsekwencji dekolonizacji w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

Syria 2.0? Czy Birma w dalekowschodniej polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej odegra podobną rolę do Syrii w bliskowschodniej strategii Kremla?