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EN
The author of the article recalls views of Ukrainian ideologue Jarosław Staruch concerning the essence of Nazism and Bolshevism. Staruch presented his political thought in a book titled The Specter of Fascism. The book was written in Ukrainian and published by an “underground” printing shop in 1945. In 1946 its issue was renewed; Polish edition also appeared at the same time. The precise place of the book’s publication remains unknown. It is known, however, that Staruch’s manuscript was published on a territory which only a few years before had been occupied by German forces and which in 1945 — already for a period of two years — remained under Soviet control. The author was therefore intimately familiar with operating mechanisms of both of these totalitarian regimes. Broadly defining the identity of Nazism and Bolshevism, showing the origins of their emergence and their most important characteristic features, and warning against their consequences, Staruch emphatically claimed that both of these totalitarian systems are almost identical in nature.
EN
The article presents information, opinions and interpretations concerning the beginnings of National Socialism in Germany, particularly Bavaria, during the first half of the 1920s, that came from Leszek Malczewski, Polish Consul General in Munich. He was probably the first Polish eyewitness systematically observing the growth of National Socialism. At that time Nazism was not yet — according to Polish consul — a signifi cant political force but simply one of the many Nationalist organizations with clearly anti-Semitic and racist profi le. Neither Malczewski, nor anyone else, could have predicted at the outset of the 20s that in a dozen years the Nazi party with Adolf Hitler as a leader would seize power in Germany. Polish consul passed his own observations pertaining to National Socialism (they were not always fully verifi ed or totally credible, but certainly interesting and not devoid of accuracy) to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Warsaw, relating in his reports various, though not all, aspects of activity and propaganda of the Nazis during the initial phase of the Hitlerite party’s existence. Malczewski investigated with particular attention Nazi preparations in Bavaria for an anti-government coup, usually correctly pointing out the political objectives of the group of conspirators with Hitler and general Erich Ludendorff at its head. When, at the beginning of November 1923, National Socialists put their subversive plans into final action, Polish consul focused his attention on the analysis of the results of the unsuccessful putsch both for the Nazis themselves and for a general political situation in Bavaria (and even in Germany as a whole). Although Malczewski was rather skeptical as far as the political future of National Socialist party was concerned, he did not exclude the possibility that it can overcome internal crisis caused by the suppression of the attempted anti-government putsch by army and police forces. Even before November 1923 Malczewski appreciated Hitler’s oratory and propaganda skill and the model of party leadership introduced by him.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2014
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vol. 69
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issue 5
443 – 450
EN
The general aim of this article is to contribute to the answer how studying of Kierkegaard could help us to understand societal and political life. The author illustrates Kierkegaard’s usefulness by example of an innovative and illuminative Bellinger’s interpretation of Nazism and Stalinism given in Kierkegaard’s terms of anxiety and stages of existence. Bellinger interprets Hitler and Nazism as an extreme pathological example of the aesthetic stage and anxiety before the good, and Stalinism as an extreme pathological example of the ethical stage and anxiety before the evil. On this basis we may also speak about the importance of Kierkegaard for the understanding of depth motivation for political violence and crime.
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EN
In December 2008 Polish Honorary Consul and the Authorities of Barcelona prepared a meeting to commemorate the story of a group of Polish children that found a shelter in Catalonia after WW II. During the war about one hundred Polish children were taken from their parents to The Third Reich. According to the disgraceful project 'Lebensborn', they were being germanised. In 1946 Red Cross took them to Barcelona, where - in spite of economic problems - they could at last learn Polish culture. Wanda Tozer, The Secretary of Polish Honorary Consul, made the most for the children's education and material help. 62 years later it was extremely difficult to find out what happened with these Polish children. It is probably the very last moment to conduct the study, to find some sources, to interview the 'children' and to illuminate the story
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Vržené i vlastní stíny členství v NSDAP

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EN
This study, which draws on works from current German historiograpy and is included in a collection edited by Nicolas Berge, analyses the system of accepting members to the NSDAP. This includes the transfer from youth organisations into the NSDAP and current practices and their limits especially during the final stages of World War II. In particular, its draws attention to the issue of assessing information on the NSDAP membership in those cases where not all relevant documents have been preserved.
EN
The purpose of this text is the comparison of the interpretations of Carl Schmitt’s thought in Poland and worldwide. Polish literature on Schmitt is very modest: two large monographs and some scientific articles. It focuses on the problem of the theory of the state and politics. At the same time, the world literature is very abundant. Schmitt is a thinker concerned with many topics. He wrote about many problems. For a long time there has been a tendency to look for the interpretive key to use in order to find a central theme of his reflections and then read the rest of his works through this perspective. Researchers identify these central themes as: a critique of liberalism, political theology, favorability towards Nazism, political opportunism. This text shows four major worldwide interpretations and their reflection in the Polish-language literature.
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Místa paměti. Lieux de mémoire. Erinnerungsorte

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EN
In his study, having briefly characterised his starting points the author deals with the possibilities of researching in Germany the places of memory - lieux de mémoire, which are under systematic research in France; he sums up the most common results of research dealing with 'German' memory - the central place of memory focused upon Nazism, yet also the richness of pre-Nazi 'memories'; a pluralism of memories, though mutually interconnected.
EN
The present study focuses on historical and ideological-political sources of the nazi project „Neue Europa” and its implementation in East-Central Europe. The authors shows these sources can be found in the middle of 19th Century and the Nazis only radicalized the means of implementation by supplementing that project with the racist component. In the final section of this study are presented the consequences of the „Neue Europa” project for the peoples of East-Central Europe.
Mesto a dejiny
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2023
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vol. 12
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issue 2
99 – 111
EN
Before the establishment of Czechoslovakia, a small community of Greek Catholics lived in Prague. Mostly they were soldiers, but after the First World War, Greek Catholic believers from the east of the republic began to move to the new metropolis and their numbers grew both in the city and in the Czech lands. Belonging to a religious denomination motivated them to associate and form a Greek Catholic parish as an official branch of the church. The small community added to the colourful mosaic of the religious and cultural life of the town. This study examines the efforts to formalize the parish and presents the involvement of local church members in religious, cultural and charitable areas. The positive development taking place between 1918 and 1938 was disrupted by political changes in the Central European area. The consequences of the rise of Nazism and Communism, which marked the lives of both priests and individual believers, are illustrated through the example of a small community. Their fates are intertwined with those of the Czechoslovak Republic and the Greek Catholic Church.
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Jan Mertl: sociolog-kolaborant, nebo oběť okolností?

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EN
The article analyses the life and academic contribution of one of the most prominent interwar Czech sociologists, Jan Mertl (1904–1978), whose studies in political sociology studies were highly innovative in his day, in both the Czech and the international context. Mertl was a follower of Max Weber and focused on the comparative historical-sociological analysis of political partisanship and party systems. He also devoted extensive study to changes in the relationship between state administration/bureaucracy and political representation. He enriched the field of (Czech) sociological theory with his concept of the ‘self-regularity of social phenomena’, dealing with the unintended outcomes and latent functions of social action, and he attempted to distinguish between Weberian ideal types and ‘historical types’. He also made the first systematic analysis of modern bureaucracy, using the Weberian concept of the ‚iron cage of modernisation‘. However, Mertl is a significant figure in the history of Czech sociology for another reason: his behaviour during the Second World War is generally perceived as an explicit example of collaboration with Nazism, which led to Mertl’s total exclusion from the academic community after the war. The author analyses the motives and extent of Mertl’s ‘wrongdoing’, as well as the reasons for his being ostracised by the academic world, even though he was officially acquitted of collaboration. The author also provides a brief description of his later life. The article is based on all available published sources and on a large number of previously unknown and unexploited archive materials.
EN
One of the main aims of the government circles of the Slovak Republic in the 1939-1945 was the control of finance and business sphere by the national Slovak capital. The pre-condition for implementing these plans was strengthening of the position of national Slovak banking by means of concentration of finance. However, the government program in finance and business struck against the plans of Nazi Germany for the expansion of its banks and companies into the industrial complex of Slovakia and the whole Central Europe. One of the key conditions for achieving the aims of German capital was participation in the financial system of individual countries by means of bank affiliations. The leading financial institutions of Slovakia came into a conflict of interests with the incomparably larger banking centres of Nazi Germany. German capital, represented by two affiliated banks in Bratislava, entered the process of concentration of finance, and applied economic and political pressure to strengthen their position in the Slovak financial sphere. There was some degree of compromise to demonstrate good will towards allies or vassals. Therefore, banking became one of the few economic fields, where the regime to some extent achieved its aim of nationalizing foreign capital.
EN
The mode of perception of National Socialism and its positioning in the history of Germany played a fundamental role in the development of the country's political culture. The establishment of two German states founded on different political systems entailed far reaching consequences for the cultural memory of the divided society. The contradiction inherent in the construction of a post-war order of Germans consisted in the discrepancy between a negative, discredited past and the need for an acceptable image in order to build a positive identity of the new state. From the onset, GDR propaganda developed a strategy of overcoming the past, based on the ideology of antifascism. It gave the multitudes embroiled in Nazism the opportunity to free themselves from a feeling of guilt and integrated the society around future oriented slogans in confrontation with the West German state.
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