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The author presents the essence and ancient origin of the controversy between the idealistic and normative principles of philosphy and utilitarian attitude of democracy. This opposition is universal and can be seen on many levels in education (both in schools and universities), ethics, politics, and relations between technology and axiology. The conflict arose in the period of the Athenian democracy. According to Plato the democratic constitution is totally opposed to truth, values and knowledge, because it is based on opinions (doxai). The spirit of democracy is reflected in the relativistic and pragmatic art of persuasion, taught by the sophists and contrary to rational philosophical analysis leading to cognition of good and evil. Plato and sophists gave rise to the opposition to the theory and praxis, emphasized by the classical philosophy. The fundamental aspect of that opposition is the contrast beween a philosophical theoretical model of a constitution and the requirements imposed by political and legal realities. The communication contains the general comparison of several philosopher's views on that subject. Among others, the author discusses the opinions of Burke, Montesquieu, Mill, Tocqueville, Nietzsche, and the contemporary liberals and postmodernistic pragmaticists who are convinced that democracy needs no philosophical justfication because all systems and paradigms created by moral and rationalistic thinking are 'irrerelevant' (Rorty) in regard to democracy. Life in democracy will be always the meeting point of various incompatible, and often contrary, normative ideas. Habermas, on the other hand, sees the task of philosophy, adjusted to the requirements of our times, in investigatig acts that produce agreement, cooperation, influence and dialogue, and not in creating epistemological, methaphilosophical and axiological systems that would serve as the basis for politics.
EN
The narratives from the socialist period remarkably resemble the discussions after 1989 when it comes to the statement that the second half of the 20th century brought discontinuities that changed the countryside, even though their evaluations are different: the “desired” progress promoted by the normalisation language had not admitted the listing of the negative impacts on the countryside and the environment which logically became the centre of discussion after 1989. There is, however, a consensus in that the collectivisation of agriculture and the modernisation of the countryside had a significant impact on the functioning of rural communities, the way of life and municipal hierarchies. The author of the study suggests, though, that it is impossible to fully grasp the impacts of the transformation of the countryside on the present if we only observe the discontinuities. His assumptions are based on his own interest in the memories about the social life in the late socialism period, while focusing on the observation of the continuities that can be based on a reflection of normative ideas and values. Thanks to an analysis of orally historical interviews and the evaluation of contemporary ethnographic research, the members of rural communities were shown to have successfully developed initiatives to ensure continuity in social life despite its changing form and inter-generational discussions. This can be explained with the observation of symbols with which people identify themselves – thanks to their embeddedness in the values system and high adaptability to external interventions. It is impossible to fully understand the strategies of adaptabilities, so characteristic of this period, without observing the impact of the continuities (e.g. the need to use hyper-normalised language to advocate one’s own interests).
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