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Regulamin Zgromadzenia Narodowego. Refleksje na tle art. 114 ust. 2 Konstytucji RP

100%
Radajewski M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 1(126)
45-62
EN
The article deals with the rules of the National Assembly as a special kind of a normative act. Consideration of the issue is preceded by an overview of the history of the National Assembly in the Second and the Third Republic of Poland, and presentation of disputes among the representatives of the legal doctrine relating to the nature of the body. The first major problem, discussed by the author, is the scope of the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly. In the subsequent part of the article, reflections are presented on the legal nature of the act and, in particular, its place in the system of sources of law. In the final part of the article, the author examines some practical aspects involving the functioning of the provision of Polish constitution requiring the National Assembly to adopt its Rules of Procedure.
2
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Katolíci v politike: Martin Mičura ako poslanec Národného zhromaždenia

100%
Zmátlo P.
Studia theologica
|
2019
|
issue 3
145-178
EN
The article describes the activity of Martin Mičura, chairman of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia, as a member of the National Assembly in the years 1925–1939. Martin Mičura, as a deputy of a pro‑ Czechoslovak party, always tried in his speeches to enable Slovakia to enjoy similar social conditions to those in the more developed Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. He was mostly involved in discussions about the budget for the next year and concentrated on questions and problems which, as a lawyer and an expert with practice in self‑ governing structures, understood best judicial issues and questions of public administration and self‑ government. He did not avoid other social areas and worked to help Slovakia in the economic, social, and cultural areas. His other “favourite” themes were church schools, sole traders and traders, taxes, transport, etc. In the 1930s, he began to comment on such key issues as the huge economic crisis and its consequences, the worsening situation in international politics and the increase in nationalism in connection with the expansion of totalitarian systems, especially Nazi Germany which began to abuse the Germany minority in Czechoslovakia to its advantage. The aim of his speeches in debates on international politics was to protect a democratic and unitary Czechoslovakia which, from the mid 1930s, was in increasing danger from undemocratic, autocratic, and totalitarian systems which gradually destroyed the Versailles Peace Treaty. He worked as a deputy of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia in various parliamentary committees, notably as chairman of the constitutional and juridical committee in the years 1925–1935.
3
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Constitutionnalisme français. Expérience de la troisième république

89%
Bochkarev S.
Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review
|
2013
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vol. 2
227-234
PL
The aim of the article is to discuss the prominent features of French constitutionalism that were formed in the last quarter of the 19th century. The author underlines the particular importance of the constitutional experience of France and notes that the form of government and the several political institutions established with the proclamation of the Third Republic also exist in general terms at the present time. Further in the text, the author observes that the practice of the state and legal construction of the French Third Republic was in many ways rather distant from constitutional establishments. It is emphasized that in the practical implementation of the Constitution, the Parliament (mainly the Chamber of Deputies) came to play a major role in the system of government and that in turn has been largely responsible for the durability of the basic constitutional and legal institutions of the Third Republic.
4
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Formuła francuskiej dwuizbowości w świetle rozwiązań ustrojowych V Republiki

88%
Jakubiak Ł.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2016
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issue 5(136)
33-53
EN
The article deals with the formula of bicameralism implemented on the basis of institutional scheme adopted in the Constitution of France of 4 October 1958. By providing an analysis of specifi caspects of a broader law-making function and oversight function of parliament, the author accentuates the specifi city of the construction of the relative asymmetry applied therein, which involves the synthesis of symmetric solutions (e.g. relating to an amendment of the Constitution pursuant to Article 89) and those clearly asymmetric (e.g. based on government’s accountability to parliament). Special attention should be paid to Article 45 of the Constitution which regulates the relationship between both chambers under the regular legislative procedure. The construction resulting from its provisions is based on the assumption that the government may signifi cantly interfere in the legislative procedure, deciding in specifi c cases — through the so-called procedure of the last words of the National Assembly — on symmetry or asymmetry of Chambers, which is one of the signs of a particular kind of flexibility the French model of bicameralism. Moreover, the author indicates the impact of the socalled Europeanization of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic on the position of the French second Chamber, and also examines the increase or decrease of actual role.
5
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Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia from 1888

88%
Savić S.
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
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2023
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vol. 22
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issue 1
535-548
EN
In the paper, the author analyzes the adoption procedure, characteristics and significance of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia from 1888. After the Kingdom of Serbia acquired the status of an independent and sovereign state by the decision of the Congress of Berlin, all restrictions regarding its constitutional arrangement disappeared. Emphasizing that the constitution of 1869 was passed illegally during his childhood, and that it gave the people too much freedom, King Milan Obrenović initiated the adoption of a new constitution. Created as a result of a political agreement between King Milan and the Radical Party, the constitution was supposed to secure the interests of both parties, i.e. the survival of the ruling dynasty on the throne and the introduction of a parliamentary system. The constitution was intended to establish a balance between the rights of the people, the ruler and the assembly. By arranging the political system of the state on the principles of parliamentarism and democracy, which sought to satisfy the interests of different layers of the Serbian citizenry, and by providing favorable conditions for further democratization of political life, the constitution of 1888 represented one of the most advanced constitutions in Europe at that time. However, practice has shown that parliamentary democracy requires a more developed social environment than the one that existed in the Kingdom of Serbia at the end of the 19th century.
6
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Linguistic Strategies According to Gender as Reflected in the Kenya National Assembly

88%
Owuor B. O., Ngugi B. N.
Language, Discourse & Society
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2023
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vol. 11
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issue 1
47-63
EN
Gender is ever present in our conversation. It is used to explain everything and is embedded in our institutions, our actions, thoughts and beliefs. In this research, we set out to establish the linguistic strategies employed by the male and female members of the Kenya National Assembly to drive their agenda and to achieve successful communication. This research sets out to establish assembly members’ manner of speaking and general adherence to speaking norms on the assembly floor. Under such a background, the study examined language and gender in the Kenya National Assembly. The research questions were: what are the linguistic strategies employed by speakers on the assembly floor based on their gender? How do members react to the gendered linguistic strategies? The study employed the Politeness Theory. The data was collected from four randomly selected sessions in the 12th Parliament- also referred to as National Assembly. The analysis of data adopted a quantitative and qualitative approach. Audio-visual recordings from the National Assembly were transcribed for analysis. In this process, selective transcription was used for the purpose of the research. Analysis of the linguistic items was done. The study established that members of the National Assembly used the following linguistic strategies: being direct, being assertive, use of metaphors, were ironic among others. It was observed that most of the members reacted in the following ways: cooperation, showing understanding, among others.
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K československé parlamentní kultuře v letech 1935–1938

88%
Wintr J.
Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)
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2014
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vol. 6
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issue 1
166-180
EN
This paper deals with National Assembly Chamber of Deputies public meetings in the fourth electoral period (1935–1938) as recorded in shorthand minutes, attempting to depict particular characteristic features of parliamentary culture at that time. After a brief introduction and a presentation of individual items from the Rules of Procedure it focuses in particular on the frequency and progress of important parliamentary debates.
8
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Po Trianon. Zmiany w funkcjonowaniu parlamentu węgierskiego

63%
Püski L.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2019
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issue 1(150)
225–235
EN
On 16 November 1918 the bicameral National Assembly terminated its activity, but the new legislative body was not able to take up its role until the beginning of 1920. The two-year functioning of the unicameral National Assembly was marked by certain duplicity. On the one hand, a certain democratization process was taking place, apparent as regards strengthening and expanding parliamentary functions. On the other hand, as a result of unstable party structures and political rivalry dominating the activity of the National Assembly, the discussed institution was incapable of creating a stable system of governance, which left considerable leeway for Prime Minister István Bethlen.
9
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Governing Bodies of the National Assembly in the French Vth Republic

63%
Pastuszko G. M.
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
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2015
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vol. 24
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issue 4
EN
The article describes the legal rules referring to the internal management organs of National Assembly in France. In its following parts deliberations devoted to three key organs: the president of the Assembly, the presidium and the conference of the presidents. The primary research objectives that the author shoots for are: 1) performing the current legal status of these organs, 2) ordering and classifying the competences that they have to disposal, 3) showing basic differences between the previous solutions and the solutions that were applied by the reform of parliamentary system throughout last couple of years, starting from 2008, 4) answering the question whether the changes, that have been made, create a new, unknown in the Vth Republic, model of internal management of the National Assembly or they just correct to certain extent the current model. 
PL
Artykuł opisuje regulacje prawne dotyczące organów kierownictwa wewnętrznego Zgromadzenia Narodowego we Francji. W kolejnych jego częściach pojawiają się rozważania poświęcone trzem kluczowym organom: przewodniczącemu, prezydium oraz Konferencji Przewodniczących. Główne cele badawcze, jakie stawia sobie autor, polegają na: 1) przedstawieniu obecnego statusu prawnego tych organów, 2) uporządkowaniu i sklasyfikowaniu znajdujących się w ich dyspozycji kompetencji, 3) wskazaniu podstawowych różnic między rozwiązaniami obowiązującymi w poprzednim stanie prawnym a tymi, które zostały wprowadzone w ramach reformy parlamentaryzmu francuskiego na przestrzeni kilku ostatnich lat, począwszy od 2008 roku, 4) ustaleniu, czy dokonane zmiany tworzą nowy, nieznany V Republice, model kierownictwa wewnętrznego Zgromadzenia Narodowego, czy też stanowią jedynie mniej lub bardziej znaczącą korektę modelu obecnego. 
10
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Konstytucyjny status Marszałka Senatu

63%
Chmaj M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2022
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issue 3(67)
81-91
PL
Artykuł ma na celu zwrócenie uwagi na zagadnienie konstytucyjnego statusu Marszałka Senatu poprzez analizę pozycji ustrojowej, uprawnień jak i wyboru oraz procedury odwołania Marszałka Senatu. Ponadto, w niniejszej pracy zawarto rozważania dotyczące Marszałka Senatu jako organu Państwowego, jego kompetencji związanych z prezydentem Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, a także przewodniczeniu przez Marszałka Senatu obradą izby i strzeżeniu jej praw oraz odpowiedzialności za podejmowane działania.
EN
This article aims to highlight the issue of the constitutional status of the Speaker of the Senate by analyzing the constitutional position, powers as well as the election and removal procedure of the Speaker of the Senate. In addition, this paper includes a consideration of the Speaker of the Senate as a State organ, his powers related to the President of the Republic of Poland, as well as the Speaker of the Senate presiding over the proceedings of the chamber and guarding its rights and responsibility for taken actions.
11
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Rewolucja francuska wobec Kościoła katolickiego w okresie Konstytuanty i Legislatywy (1789–1792)

51%
Dmochowski T.
Cywilizacja i Polityka
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2015
|
vol. 13
126-151
EN
The paper presents the situation of the Catholic Church in France before the revolution of 1789 and the key political environments that created opposition to the Church, and then analyzes the attitudes and subsequent legal actions of the French authorities against of the Catholic Church in institutionally separated periods of the National Constituent Assembly (1789–1791) and the Legislative Assembly (1791–1792).
12
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Evolution of the Constitutional Organ on the Example of the Polish National Assembly

51%
Grabowski R.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2020
|
issue 5 (57)
75-86
EN
The Polish National Assembly is a constitutional governing body, endowed with unique powers that cannot be exercised by any other body. However, the status of the Assembly as a separate state organ raises doubts. Since the restoration of the Assembly, its position in the system has changed significantly, which was related to the multiple modification of the competences of this organ. The evolution of this organ in 1989-2020 allows treating it as an interesting research case. Especially since the competences of the National Assembly are crucial for ensuring the continuity of state power.
PL
Polskie Zgromadzenie Narodowe jest konstytucyjnym organem władzy, wyposażonym w unikalne kompetencje, których nie może wykonać żaden inny organ. Status Zgromadzenia jako odrębnego organu państwa budzi jednak wątpliwości. Od czasu przywrócenia Zgromadzenia jego pozycja ustrojowa zmieniła się w sposób znaczący, co było związane z wielokrotną modyfikacją kompetencji tego organu. Ewolucja tego organu w okresie 1989-2020 pozwala traktować jako interesujący przypadek badawczy. Zwłaszcza, że kompetencje Zgromadzenia Narodowego należą do kluczowych dla zapewnienia ciągłości władzy w państwie.
13
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Parlament a parlamentarismus v budování a proměnách československé státnosti

51%
Felcman O., Hradecký T.
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
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2019
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issue 4 (23)
32-71
EN
The study focuses on the importance of the Parliament’s involvement in construction of the Czechoslovak state. With the exception of the German occupation, as the legislature of the Czechoslovak Republic, the National Assembly played an important role in affecting its republican and democratic character. The article discusses two of the most important stages of the formation of the Czechoslovak statehood. First is the Interwar period when the Czechoslovak statehood demonstrated features typical of parliamentary democracy with assumed parliamentary power, followed by the 1960s when the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks developed on a federal level.
14
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The New Devolution in Wales as a Result of Emerging the Small Nation

38%
Sopoćko P.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
|
2016
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vol. 23
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issue 1
EN
In this article, an author proves that devolution based on the national identity fosters political development in Wales. The main historical facts are briefly recalled, coming smoothly to Tony Blair’s reforms and their partly failure. Author considers them as irreversible process’ elements, later continued by David Cameron who saw them as vital to awake national identity of Wales. Such efforts finally result in economic success of the whole region, based on devolution of powers, as it is concluded at the end. 
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