Search results

1

O potencjałach i deficytach rozwojowych wynikających z komunikacji sieciowej w Afryce Północnej

100%

Wiśniewski R.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

453-466

EN

In recent years use of internet technology in North Africa resulted in an increased dynamism of social relations which manifested itself among others in mass social movements. It seems that without the modern technology the protests would not have the farreaching social consequences that they had. The aim of the article is to present the socio-demographic factors affecting the emerging images of users in North Africa. Possibilities and limitations for the development of Internet will be presented, in particular in recent years in Maghreb countries. The article will also refer to social portals which have become a space for free public activities.

2

Bogactwo i ubóstwo etniczne w Afryce Północnej. Polscy Tatarzy w Egipcie, Algierii i Maroku w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej

100%

Chazbijewicz S.

Forum Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 12 - Problemy bogactwa i biedy we współczesnej Afryce

561-566

EN

The author of the article forwards the question about the case of the relationship of Polish Muslims community during 1918-1939 with Muslims in the Middle East. The Polish Tatars as a Muslims propagated an idea of relationship between Europe and Islamic East through the Tatars group in Poland. Some leaders of PolishTatars, Olgierd and Leon Kryczyński visited Egypt and Morocco and promoted Polish Muslims tradition as connection between European and Eastern civilizations. During the Second Polish Republic, Polish government especially Marshall Pilsudski promoted organizations of Polish Tatars e.g. The Culture and Education Union of Polish Tatars (activity during the years 1925-1939).

3

North Africa in U.S Foreign Policy at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st Century: Challenges and Expectations

100%

Wordliczek R.

Ad Americam

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2012

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vol. 13

95-109

EN

Strategically and for geopolitical reasons, North Africa is a very important region for contemporary international relations. After September 11th 2001, North African states began to play a more signifi cant role in American foreign policy. President George W. Bush encouraged and convinced some of the North African countries’ governments to join the counterterrorism military and political operation. Bush believed that the participation of North African states in the war on terror would be a clear sign for the rest of the world that Islamic fundamentalists are dangerous for everyone. For the U.S., support for the counterterrorism mission from Islamic countries was very important from a political and propaganda point of view. Apart from the strategic reasons, during G. W. Bush’s presidency the cooperation between the U.S and North Africa developed more deeply in the following fi elds: policy (Middle East peace process), international security and counterterrorism, economy (MEFTA), education, and the energy market.

4

From the Barcelona Process to Union for the Mediterranean: the European Union’s approach to co-operation with North African and Middle East states prior to Arab Spring

100%

Rak Ł.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 4

54-73

EN

The Mediterranean region constitutes the closest neighbourhood of the European Union. The region needs support and assistance to equal differences between the North and South part of the Mediterranean. In order to achieve this ambitious aim it was decided to institutionalise co-operation between EU and other countries of the region under the auspices of the Barcelona Process. Although reasons of those differences were determined and identified and mechanisms that were supposed to abolish them were established, until today no significant success has been archived. The changes towards approach to the project of Barcelona Process: Union for the Mediterranean which were dictated by the Arab Spring definitely give an opportunity to improve the situation. Nonetheless after more than two decades since establishment of the Process it may be stated that the Resolution of EuroParliamentary Assembly is still as valid now as it was on the day of its signing on 15th March 2005.

5

Creating Memory in Vandal Period Africa

100%

Quast D.

Acta Archaeologica Carpathica

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2020

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vol. LV

215-234

EN

The Vandals left no origo gentis even though history is an essential factor for the construction of group identity. But the creation of memory in the Vandal kingdom in North Africa can be reconstructed with archaeological sources. For this an attempt by looking for visualisations in the form of images and inscriptions in Vandal Period Africa is made and interpreted against the background of “creating memory”. These observations are based on “official” visualisations. They are a sort of propaganda and because of this are contained within the content of the ideological superstructure. The created memory is addressed to the various groups living under Vandal rule. It is addressed to the former Roman administration, to the inhabitants of Carthage and Christianity as a whole. Only in the private sphere could the tradition of a family genealogy be seen, most probably needed for legitimation – and, if there was a need for this, it points to internal conflicts.

6

Zaangażowanie UE w rozwiązywanie kryzysów regionalnych w Afryce Północnej

100%

Wejkszner A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

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issue 1(346)

235-248

EN

The article highlights a number of essential aspects connected with the EU engagement in solving regional crises in North Africa. The author shows that the EU does not have at its disposal adequate and sufficient instruments that could be deployed in reaction to the emerging threats to stability, peace and security in the region. It is emphasized that the EU member states which sometimes act unilaterally take into consideration the specificity of the Arab states and try to exert within the framework of their capacities a constructive influence towards reducing threats to the security of particular countries and the whole region, especially those of an asymmetrical character. A seminal example of such an engagement, discussed in the article, was the case of Libya. On the one hand it revealed the EU’s highly effective contribution to resolving the humanitarian crises, while on the other hand it exposed the insufficiency of the international community’s political-military commitment towards a prompt resolution of the Libyan crisis.

7

Political Instability in the Countries of North Africa and its Impact on the Transport of Energy Materials

100%

Zawadzki J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

187-211

EN

The events that took place in Tunisia in early 2011, proved to be very important for the whole international environment. The northern part of Africa is signifi cant for the Western countries for natural resources which are available there for these reasons, stable and politically predictable, situation in the countries situated there is a strategically important element of a global security system. Tunisia since mid December 2010 has witnessed riots of young people throughout the country who, in the desperate acts of the self burning claimed democracy in their country, reduction of unemployment (13%), improving the living conditions and prospects for a better tomorrow for young people. „Jasmine Revolution”, the name given by the French journal Le Monde to the riots, led to the overthrowing of President Ben Ali, after 23 years of rule and his escape to Saudi Arabia.

8

Between Sufism and Salafism: The Rise of Salafi Tendencies after the Arab Spring and Its Implications

88%

Zajac A.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 2

97-109

EN

The Arab Spring created a new image of North Africa. Old conflicts were replaced by new ones. The best example of these changes was the renewal of the Sufi Salafi clash. It can be viewed not only as the result of the reinforcement of fundamentalist tendencies but also, and most of all, as a sudden rise of political Salafism. The Sufi Salafi conflict has been present for some time in the history of North Africa. However, after the Arab Spring, it became more violent. The earlier war of words, both written and spoken, was transformed into a real one, during which many Sufi zawiyas were destroyed. However, the sudden rise of political Salafism also led to a consolidation and an elicitation of Sufis that started building up political alliances in order to protect the rights of their community. The Sufi Salafi relations in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya will not follow the Sudanese casus, where the charismatic personality of Hassan al-Turabi helped in normalizing relations, without a further escalation of conflict. The failing of the political Salafism usually leads to further radicalization of the jihadi Salafism. It is highly possible that in future, especially if political Salafi organizations lose their influence, we will witness more acts against the Sufis and their places of worship.

9

„Arabska wiosna” – fala demokracji w warunkach islamu. Spojrzenie z polskiej perspektywy

88%

Muszkiewicz M.

Społeczeństwo i Ekonomia

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2014

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issue 1 (1)

154-172

EN

The revolutionary wave in North Africa brought about deep changes − both social and political − in the region. Islamists have grown to become the most important political power in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Muslim Brotherhood, a while ago referred to as Islamic extremists, stands for democratic changes in the Arab world nowadays. However, a belief that the Arab revolution should create constitutional democracies modeled on western democracies is unjustified. The article indicates problems with the democracy in the Islamic world, but does not show the way to resolve them. Taking into consideration complexity of relations between Western and Islamic civilizations, differences in understanding the worth of culture and religion and requirements of current politics, it is hard to achieve a common ground. The fact has a significant influence on the possibilities of spreading the democracy across Muslims. One thing is sure: lack of knowledge cannot be superseded by fear and prejudice.

10

Arabska Wiosna - szanse i wyzwania dla polityki USA wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

87%

Fiedler R.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 1

33-49

EN

The paper deals with the policy of the US towards North Africa and the Middle East during the period of the Arab Spring. It indicates the diminishing role of the US in this region, which is further added to by the unpredictability of the new administrations. The liberation processes failed to solve the grave problems in the region and resulted in its instability and new conflicts.

PL

Tematyka artykułu dotyczy polityki USA wobec Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu w czasie Arabskiej Wiosny. Ukazano zmniejszającą się rolę USA w tym regionie spotęgowaną dodatkowo nieprzewidywalnością nowych władz. Procesy wolnościowe nie tylko nie rozwiązały poważnych problemów regionu, ale także doprowadziły do niestabilności i nowych konfliktów.

11

Pozamilitarne aspekty polityki zagranicznej USA wobec państw Afryki Północnej na początku XXI wieku

75%

Wordliczek R.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

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vol. 19

126 - 141

EN

As a result of terrorist attacks in New York and Washington in 2001, the role of the North African countries in American foreign policy increased. Closer cooperation has started. The main area of cooperation was connected to the politics and military. Besides, President Bush initiated several economic programs. These initiatives should give advantages to the partners. Apart from these reasons, since the beginning of the 21st century China, the European Union and Russia have also been interested in rivalry for the market. The winner of this competition will keep control of the North African market of minerals and from the political, economic and strategic point of view will be stronger in the future.

12

Sufism and Anti-Colonial Violent Resistance Movements: The Qadiriyya and Sanussi Orders in Algeria and Libya

75%

Muedini F.

Open Theology

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

EN

In this article, I examine the role of Sufism (and Sufi leaders) as they relate to anti-colonial political and military resistance movements. Sufism is often viewed as a non-violent and non-political branch of Islam. However, I argue that there are many historical examples to illustrate the presence of anti-colonialist Sufi military movements throughout the “Muslim World,” and I give particular attention to the cases of ‘Abd al-Qadir of the Qadiriyya movement and his anti-colonialist rebellion against France in Algeria in the 1800s, as well as that of Italian colonialism in Libya and the military response by the Sanussi order. Thus, while Sufism clearly has various teachings and principles that could be interpreted to promote non-violence, Sufi political movements have also developed as a response to colonialism and imperialism, and thus, one should not automatically assume a necessary separation from Sufism and notions of military resistance.

13

Pillar of Fire – from Auschwitz to Casablanca

75%

Davidovitch N., Dort R.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2021

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vol. 12

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issue 1

390-412

EN

Aim. This study examines the characteristics of the individuals who go on the journey to Poland, which is a key element of the Holocaust education curriculum in Israel, their personal connection to the Holocaust, as well as the socio-political developments in Israel that attempt to bridge the gap between the various poles in society – between East and West. Concept. Holocaust education includes the formal part, which is the historical narrative, and the informal part, which is the journey to Poland. This study follows the development of Holocaust education and commemoration of the victims of the Holocaust – from the narrative of the Holocaust of the Jews of Europe to the narrative of the Holocaust among the communities of North African descent. Results and conclusion. The findings of the study indicate a link between family support and ties to the Holocaust, and the journey to Poland, which appears to be in line with findings of Nitza Davidovitch and Dan Soen (2011), who found a correlation between the students participating in the journey and their personal connections to the Holocaust, in contrast to students with no family connection with the Holocaust. For all its importance, the journey to Poland has been found to perpetuate social polarisation. Practical applications. The current study highlights the challenge of Holocaust education in order to build a bridge of shared historical destiny through this seminal event of the twentieth century. Originality. This work sparks the question of how to make the journey to Poland a unifying factor in collective national memory.

14

Kilka uwag o genezie islamu w Aryce Północnej

71%

Piwko A. M.

Annales Missiologici Posnanienses

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2012

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issue 18

217-227

EN

The first country conquered by Muslims in North Africa was Egypt. Arabic rules started there already in 642, only ten years after Muhammad’s death. North Africa underwent a strong processes of islamization as a result of the Arabic expansion in the Middle Ages. Arabs started to refer to these territories of North Africa as „Maghreb” – Arabic word for “West”. The expansion of the Islam caused irreversible changes of African continent in all social, cultural and political dimensions.

15

Arabska Wiosna jako szansa na reset w relacjach Unii Europejskiej z jej południowym sąsiedztwem

71%

Skorzycki M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 1

67-89

EN

The chain of revolts in Maghreb and Mashriq countries has compelled the European Union to redefine the assumptions of its policy towards the region in question. The sluggish reaction of European states to the developments known as „the Arab Spring” has shown that they see those events as a sourceof threat to European interests. This paper attempts to indicate the erroneousness of this conviction and submit arguments supporting the thesis that the aforementioned changes should be understood as a chance for resuming the EU’s dialogue with its southern neighbors, a dialogue that Brussels is currently not able to continue as a result of the EU’s current paralysis in the Mediterranean area.

PL

Seria przewrotów politycznych w państwach Maghrebu i Maszreku postawiła Unię Europejską przed koniecznością zredefiniowania założeń polityki wobec państw wspomnianego regionu. Opieszała reakcja największych stolic europejskich na wydarzenia Arabskiej Wiosny świadczyła o upatrywaniu w nich źródła zagrożeń dla interesów Europy. W swoim tekście chciałbym wykazać mylność tego przekonania i przedstawić argumenty na poparcie tezy, że wspomniane przemiany stanowią szansę na wznowienie dialogu UE z południowym sąsiedztwem, którego Bruksela nie jest w stanie kontynuować w ramach sparaliżowanej Unii na rzecz Regionu Morza Śródziemnego.

16

Uwarunkowania reorientacji polityki Unii Europejskiej wobec Afryki Północnej po roku 2011

71%

Przybylska-Maszner B.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

|

issue 1

51-65

EN

The paper attempts to indicate the determinants of the reorientation of the European Union’s policy towards North Africa after 2011 on account of the EU’s involvement in the Arab Spring and to analyze the new attitude to the possibilities of practical implementation of EU policy instruments. These considerations allow conclusions on further EU involvement in North Africa and building new frameworks for the EU’s strategic approach in this region to be presented both in terms of how various interests are established in Brussels and how the joint standpoint is presented and practical activities launched internationally.

PL

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie uwarunkowań reorientacji polityki Unii wobec regionu Afryki Północnej po roku 2011, w związku z jej zaangażowaniem podczas ‘arabskiej wiosny’, a także analiza zakresu nowego podejścia w odniesieniu do praktycznych możliwości wdrażania unijnych instrumentów polityk. Powyższe rozważania pozwolą na przedstawienie wniosków dotyczących dalszego zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w regionie Afryki Północnej i budowy nowych ram podejścia strategicznego UE w tym regionie, zarówno na płaszczyźnie ustalania interesów na arenie brukselskiej, jak i przedstawienia wypracowanego stanowiska i uruchomienia działań na arenie międzynarodowej.

17

Reakcje wybranych państw Zachodu wobec "Arabskiej Wiosny"

63%

Piskorz A.

De Securitate et Defensione. O Bezpieczeństwie i Obronności

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2015

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issue 2(1)

120-133

PL

Artykuł został poświęcony reakcji krajów zachodniej części globu na zjawisko „Arabskiej Wiosny” (rewolucyjnej fali demonstracji i protestów przeciwko panującej władzy) na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych, Niemiec i Francji. Wybór państw dokonano w oparciu onastępujące kryteria: po pierwsze – USA są mocarstwem globalnym i członkiem SojuszuPółnocnoatlantyckiego; po drugie – Francja i Niemcy należą do istotnych graczy europejskich ze względu na przynależność do struktur Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo Francja posiada dobre relacje z krajami Afryki Północnej, natomiast Niemcy są bardziej neutralne i stanowią potęgę gospodarczą w obrębie własnego kontynentu, co może budzić zaufanie świata arabskiego.

EN

This article deals with the Western countries reaction on “Arab Spring” phenomenon (a revolutionary wave of demonstration and protests against the power of country), especially the United States, Germany and France. The selection of countries was based on the following criteria: first of all, the US is a major power in the World and a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization; secondly, France and Germany are main European players due to European Union membership. Additionally, France maintains good relations with North African countries, while Germany is more neutral and represents economic power within the European continent, which might gain the trust of Arabic World.

18

POLITYKA ZAGRANICZNA NIEPODLEGŁEJ ALGIERII: ANALIZA WYBRANYCH ASPEKTÓW

63%

Niedziela S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2015

|

issue 2

159-194

EN

Algeria has always been very important country in North Africa and Arab World. Since it gained independence, Algerian government promoted a vision of cooperative, equitable and just world. Algeria pursued a anti-imperialist policy of Third World solidarity under presidents Ahmed Ben Bella and Houari Boumediene. The economic and political constraints that Algeria began to face in the 1980s accelerated the country’s diminished global aspirations. President Chadli Benjedid shifted the focus of Algerian diplomacy from Third World to a regional policy focused on the Maghreb and Sahel region. There have been three priorities of Algerian foreign policy: Arab World, Africa and western countries. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has continued the evolution of the state’s foreign policy towards natal interest pragmatism. Bouteflika has worked to extend Algeria’s international influence.

19

Katecheze o moci Kristovy krve v Quodvultdeově promluvě De ultima quarta feria

63%

Vopřada D.

Studia theologica

|

2019

|

issue 3

69-83

EN

The sermon De ultima quarta feria, attributed to Quodvultdeus, was pronounced in the last phase of the baptismal preparation in Carthage at the end of the 430s. This paper studies the mystagogical method employed in the catechesis on the power of Christ’s blood in baptism and the Eucharist that makes up part of the sermon. First, the baptismal rites in Carthage in 430s are presented. Second, the questions of its dating and the structure of the sermon are discussed. Third, the mystagogical catechesis on the power of Christ’s blood is presented. This analysis demonstrates that Quodvultdeus stands in the Latin tradition of the patchwork usage of Biblical quotes in the course of the mystagogy that allows the audience to enter the history present in the sacred books and understand themselves as part of this history. In addition, this method allows for transferring the message of the centrality of Christ’s redemption that can be attained through the sacraments of baptism and the Eucharist.

20

Unia Europejska wobec konfliktów i przemian społeczno-politycznych w regionie MENA w XX i XXI wieku

63%

Piwowarska S.

Świat Idei i Polityki

|

2018

|

issue 17

9-24

PL

Kraje Bliskiego Wchodu i Afryki Północnej stanowią jeden z głównych obszarów zainteresowań Unii Europejskiej, a głównymi determinantami wzajemnych stosunków są przede wszystkim ekonomia oraz polityka bezpieczeństwa. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie, jak kształtuje się stanowisko Unii Europejskiej wobec głównych wyzwań i zagrożeń w tym regionie w drugiej połowie XX w. i w XXI w., do których należy obecnie zaliczyć przede wszystkim konflikt izraelsko-arabski, kwestię palestyńską oraz wydarzenia tzw. Arabskiej Wiosny, jak również eskalację konfliktu w Syrii oraz problem terroryzmu międzynarodowego.

EN

The countries of the Middle East and North Africa are one of the main areas of interest of the European Union, and the main determinants of mutual relations are primarily the economy and security policy. The aim of the article is to show how the position of the European Union is shaped in relation to the main challenges and threats in this region, to which the Israeli-Arabic conflict, the Palestinian issue and the so-called Arab Spring, as well as the escalation of the conflict in Syria and the problem of international terrorism.

Refine search results

O potencjałach i deficytach rozwojowych wynikających z komunikacji sieciowej w Afryce Północnej

Bogactwo i ubóstwo etniczne w Afryce Północnej. Polscy Tatarzy w Egipcie, Algierii i Maroku w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej

North Africa in U.S Foreign Policy at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st Century: Challenges and Expectations

From the Barcelona Process to Union for the Mediterranean: the European Union’s approach to co-operation with North African and Middle East states prior to Arab Spring

Creating Memory in Vandal Period Africa

Zaangażowanie UE w rozwiązywanie kryzysów regionalnych w Afryce Północnej

Political Instability in the Countries of North Africa and its Impact on the Transport of Energy Materials

Between Sufism and Salafism: The Rise of Salafi Tendencies after the Arab Spring and Its Implications

„Arabska wiosna” – fala demokracji w warunkach islamu. Spojrzenie z polskiej perspektywy

Arabska Wiosna - szanse i wyzwania dla polityki USA wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

Pozamilitarne aspekty polityki zagranicznej USA wobec państw Afryki Północnej na początku XXI wieku

Sufism and Anti-Colonial Violent Resistance Movements: The Qadiriyya and Sanussi Orders in Algeria and Libya

Pillar of Fire – from Auschwitz to Casablanca

Kilka uwag o genezie islamu w Aryce Północnej

Arabska Wiosna jako szansa na reset w relacjach Unii Europejskiej z jej południowym sąsiedztwem

Uwarunkowania reorientacji polityki Unii Europejskiej wobec Afryki Północnej po roku 2011

Reakcje wybranych państw Zachodu wobec "Arabskiej Wiosny"

POLITYKA ZAGRANICZNA NIEPODLEGŁEJ ALGIERII: ANALIZA WYBRANYCH ASPEKTÓW

Katecheze o moci Kristovy krve v Quodvultdeově promluvě De ultima quarta feria

Unia Europejska wobec konfliktów i przemian społeczno-politycznych w regionie MENA w XX i XXI wieku