Search results

1

The OSCE 40 Years after Helsinki: Fall Back or Reset?

100%

Froehly P. J.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

|

2016

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issue 3

7-21

EN

More than 40 years after the adoption of the Helsinki Final Act in 1975, the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine brought the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) back to the centre of security discussions in Europe. The organisation’s normative acquis has been profoundly challenged, thus raising doubts about its legitimacy in terms of co-operative security based on commonly agreed standards and values. However, the reaction of the OSCE structures to the events in Ukraine in 2014 showed the relevance of its operational capacities in the field of crisis management, especially when guided by strong political leadership. The OSCE is indeed at a crucial point in its history. This contribution argues that it is not despite but because of the current crisis, that the OSCE is more relevant than ever, and that it is well placed within the European security architecture to contribute substantially to the restoration of security and stability in Europe, provided that it gets strong political backing from participating states for the full implementation of its comprehensive security concept.

2

Analiza ilościowa i jakościowa wyniku egzaminu praktycznego typu OSCE dla kandydatów na wolontariuszy pracujących z chorymi w hospicjum

54%

Szeliga M., Skrzypek A., Kużmicz I., Mirecka J., Nowakowski M.

Edukacja Ustawiczna Dorosłych

|

2018

|

issue 1

148-158

EN

The subject of the presented work was the attempt to find a tool for verification of the candidates for voluntary workers in a hospice and decreasing the danger of a negative influence of an incompetent volunteer on a person in a terminal stage of disease and his or her relatives. Abilities of volunteers were checked by the Objective Structured Clinical Examination (OSCE). The way of performing tasks was assessed both objectively (using the check list) and subjectively (as a general impression the examiner had). The subjective assessment and standardized assessment were correlated significantly positively with each other. The usefulness of the exam has been confirmed in practice. Carrying out this type of an exam allowed, therefore, to avoid unnecessary trauma by both potential candidates for volunteers and by the persons whom they would take care while working in the hospice.

3

Organizacja egzaminu typu OSCE dla kandydatów na wolontariuszy w hospicjum

54%

Szeliga M., Kuźmicz I., Mirecka J., Nowakowski M.

Edukacja Ustawiczna Dorosłych

|

2017

|

issue 3

145-156

EN

The study presents the detailed organization of the OSCE (Objective Structured Clinical Examination) test on the example of a three-station test. It presents the author's tools of control used during the examination of 147 candidates for volunteers participating in four consecutive editions of “A course for volunteers – a guardian of the sick” organized by the St. Lazarus Hospice in Cracow.

4

OBWE a Ukraina. Sprawdzian stabilności ogólnoeuropejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa

51%

Spyrydonowa K.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2015

|

issue 3(34/1)

259-268

EN

This article provides analysis of Ukraine’s participation in the OSCE and OSCE’s engagement in the processes of resolution of the crisis in and around Ukraine. Perspectives of the peaceful settlement of this crisis are considered a key factor in determining OSCE’s adequacy and effectiveness in ensuring European security. Author describes main mechanisms and tools used by Ukraine within the OSCE to resolve the situation arisen as a result of the Russian aggression. The article concludes that the unresolved crisis within the OSCE would indicate the impossibility of further security community building on the space from Vancouver to Vladivostok.

5

Regionalna współpraca Ukrainy w ramach Organizacji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie w warunkach przemiany środowiska bezpieczeństwa w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

51%

Kuchyk O.

Wschodnioznawstwo

|

2017

|

issue 11

363-371

EN

Activities of Ukraine–OSCE in the context of changes in security environment of Central and Eastern European region are considered. The main foreign policy actions towards Ukraine engaged by the efficiency of mechanisms for the settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine are analyzed. The activities of the Special OSCE monitoring mission are illustrated. The role of Special OSCE monitoring mission in the conflict is defined.

6

DZIAŁALNOŚĆ MISJI SPECJALNEJ OBWE NA UKRAINIE – SUKCES, PORAŻKA CZY IMPULS DO REFORM?

51%

Natanek M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2019

|

issue 4(17)

153-167(15)

EN

In what follows I analyze, on a macro-level, the role played by the OSCE in negoti-ating the ceasefire agreement during the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The activity set up to implement the cease-fire arrangements of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine will be examined in more detail. By analyzing the documents of the OCSE, I will focus on the specific scale, mechanisms, and ways of implementing tasks that result from the Minsk Agreements and which the OSCE Permanent Council imposed on the Mission. This analysis will also be an attempt to assess its efforts so far and to indi-cate the most important difficulties and obstacles faced by the international community in the process of normalization of the Donbas situation.

7

Modern Military Missions as a Method of Resolving Conflict in Order to Maintain International Security

44%

Bąk T.

Internal Security

|

2013

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vol. 5(2)

31-50

8

Modern Military Missions as a Method of Resolving Conflict in Order to Maintain International Security

44%

Bąk T.

Internal Security

|

2013

|

vol. 5(2)

31-50

EN

The article presents modern military missions as a method of resolving conflicts. In the paper it was described, inter alia, the role of international armed forces and the League of Nations in order to maintain international security. The author described the operations conducted within the framework of the United Nations Organisation and peace-keeping operations of the organisation for security and co-operation in Europe. The article also deals with peace-keeping missions led by the European Union, especially: EUBAM Moldova (EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine), EUFOR ALTHEA (EU Military Operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina), EULEX Kosovo (EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo), EUMM Georgia (EU Monitoring Mission), EUPM (EU Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina), EUPOL Afghanistan (EU Police Mission in Afghanistan), EUPOL RD Congo (EU PoliceMission for the Democratic Republic of Congo), EU SSR Guinea-Bissau (EU Mission in Support of Security Sector Reform in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau), EUBAM Rafah (EU Border Assistance Mission at Rafah Crossing Point in the Palestinian Territories), EUJUST LEX — Iraq, EUNAVFOR ATALANTA — Somalia, EUPOL COPPS (EU Police Mission in the Palestinian Territories), EUSEC RD Congo (EU Mission for security reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo). The article also presents the NATO’s peace support operations.

9

From EU-centric approach to Multilevel governance: is it only the EU that holds the cards in the region? The role of international organizations and groupings in shaping the dynamics of process inherent in the region

44%

Grącik-Zajaczkowski M.

Reality of Politics

|

2017

|

issue 8

30-44

EN

This article focuses on the Central and Eastern European in the process of shaping their security relations. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the evolution of security relations in the region under the aegis of the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The interplay of the institutions shows that the EU is not a single power in the European security system thus the maintenance of stable and peaceful relations depend mostly on cooperation between a number of institutions and groupings. The EU and NATO’ s role was central due to their policies of enlargement and the stabilization effects on third partner countries. The OSCE with its well promising position in Europe has been weaken due to decline of interests of major power states and its functions performed simultaneously by the EU and NATO. Both organizations have taken to a large extent the place of the OSCE.

10

Bezpieczeństwo europejskie czterdzieści lat po podpisaniu Aktu Końcowego KBWE

44%

Zięba R.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2015

|

issue 9

109-122

EN

The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community.

11

OBSE JAKO NORMOTVORNÝ AKTÉR V REGIONÁLNÍM ŘÍZENÍ BEZPEČNOSTI – PŘÍSTUP K ANALYSE

38%

Lehmannová Z., Dubský Z.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2017

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vol. 10

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issue 1

5 – 22

EN

The text deals with a possibility to frame the qualitative analysis of the OSCE norm activity in broader discussion of creation effective system of regional and global governance in security. First, it analyses theoretical and methodological bases of global governance, role of recognition and complexity of security. Then, the study focuses on the identification of the appropriate approach to analyse of the OSCE as a normative actor in the in regional security governance.

12

OSCE Operational Capacity in the Regulation of Armed Conflicts in the Countries of the Former Eastern Bloc (1991–2021)

38%

Kołodziejska J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2023

|

issue 3(53)

133-154

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the operational capabilities of the OSCE in regulating armed conflicts and their application in the former Eastern bloc countries. In order to show the role of the OSCE in the regulation of armed conflicts, OSCE operational capabilities have been structured in a conceptual grid including: OSCE regulatory tools – in the form of missions, field offices and field coordinators; regulatory mechanisms and emergency mechanisms applied in the light of the peaceful pathways of OSCE involvement in the regulatory process. The common feature of operation at each phase is the broadly understood maintenance of stability or achieving stability. There are armed conflicts against which the OSCE has selectively used regulatory activity, omitting certain phases of the conflict, and those against which the application of regulatory tools has not led to lasting stabilisation. The results presented in the paper confirm the correctness of considering the above theories against the background of the conflict cycle concept. Institutional and legal analysis and comparative analysis were used in this paper.

13

POSTAVENIE SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V MEDZINÁRODNOM KRÍZOVOM MANAŽMENTE

38%

ĎURKECH B., ŠVARNÝ J.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2017

|

vol. 27(27)

70-88

EN

Global security is directly dependend on ability of main relevant security actors to avoid regional or local crisis which might have high potential to escalate up to global level. While no single relevant security actor is able to achieve this aim unilaterally without potentialy negatively impacting security of other actors, international and/or regional organizations do try to fullfill this role of suppresing potential for increased security dilemas in geopolitical hotspots with consequent crisis development within more collaborative framework. Those organisations do develop approprate mechanisms to deal with crisis, while also build capabilities in solving potential crisis within its agreed mandates before they fully develop. In this paper we will focus on four relevant organizations UN, NATO, OSCE and EU which play important crisis management role within broader Euroasia. After initial introducion to theoretical backround on crisis development wi will focus on each above mentioned organizations and descibe its role in international crisis management. Afterwards we will continue with framing role which Slovak republic plays within those institutions with conluding remarks about its overal contribution to international crisis management within above selected organizations.

14

The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict

36%

Koszel B.

Przegląd Strategiczny

|

2020

|

issue 13

111-127

PL

Autor w artykule wskazuje, że konflikt o Naddniestrze nie leżał w polu niemieckich bliskich zainteresowań. Pierwszoplanowym zadaniem niemieckich rządów było utrzymanie dobrych relacji z Rosją i przyznanie jej roli głównego mediatora w sporze pomiędzy Mołdawią i zbuntowanym Naddniestrzem. Z drugiej strony, Niemcom jako członkowi UE zależało na stabilizacji tego regionu, demokratycznych i proeuropejskich przemianach w Mołdawii. W Berlinie wspierano rokowania pomiędzy skonfliktowanymi stronami w ramach OBWE, mając świadomość, że mają one pozorowany charakter i nie przyczynią się do rozwiązania konfliktu. Zarówno mieszkańcom Naddniestrza, jak i Mołdawii zależy na utrzymaniu istniejącego status quo. Brak aktów fizycznej przemocy i drobne spięcia na tle gospodarczym i prawnym sprzyjają zachodniej obojętności wobec problemów Naddniestrza. W artykule autor wykorzystał metody badawcze: metodę historyczną, deskryptywną, analizy źródeł i metodę decyzyjną.

EN

The author indicates in the article that the conflict over Transnistria was not int the field of German close interests. The main task of the German government was to maintain good relations with Russia and to grant it the role of the main mediator in the dispute between Moldova and rebellious Transnistria. On the other hand, Germany, as an EU member, sought to stabilize the region and to bring about democratic and pro-European changes in Moldova. Berlin supported negotiations between the conflicted parties within the OSCE framework albeit aware that they were a sham and would not contribute to the resolution of the conflict. Both the people of Transnistria and Moldova are committed to maintaining the status quo. The absence of physical violence and minor economic and legal tensions have encouraged Western Europe to remain indifferent to Transnistria’s problems. In the article the author used the following research methods: historical, descriptive, source analysis and decision making method.

15

The Role of Stabilisation Missions in the Process of Police Reform in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

32%

Wilk D.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2014

|

issue 4(30)

333-345

EN

regions of the country bordering Albania and Kosovo. The actions of Albanian separatists associated with National Liberation Army that aimed at making Albanian and Macedonian nationalities equal within the Republic resulted in an increase of anti‑Albanian attitudes that contributed to the Macedonian‑Albanian conflict. The six‑month fight was ended on 13 August 2001 when the peace agreement was signed in Ohrid. The agreement, which was accepted by both sides of the conflict, was more favourable for the Albanians since it made their status as citizens almost equal to that of Macedonians. A growing tension among the Albanian minority forced immediate implementation of the decisions included in the Ohrid Agreement. The European Union in cooperation with the OSCE and NATO played a key role in the process of stabilising the socio‑political situation. The police reform in the Republic of Macedonia was a crucial element of the Ohrid Agreement. The changes were to ensure proportional representation of all nationalities comprising the Macedonian society in law enforcement services. The European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe conducted three stabilisation missions: one was a military mission – CONCORDIA, and two were police missions: PROXIMA and EUPAT.

16

Wybory prezydenckie na Białorusi w 2015 roku

32%

Czwołek A.

Studia Wyborcze

|

2018

|

vol. 26

39-69

PL

Wybory prezydenckie na Białorusi w 2015 roku posiadały niedemokratyczny charakter. Ponownie na prezydenta wybrano Aleksandra Łukaszenkę. Opozycja polityczna nie potrafiła wypracować spójnej strategii wyborczej. Nie powiodły się również próby konsolidacji środowisk demokratycznych oraz wystawienia wspólnego kandydata. Wybory prezydenckie przebiegały pod pełną kontrolą reżimu i według wcześniej sprawdzonego schematu. W odróżnieniu od poprzednich wyborów prezydenckich w 2010 roku, reżim nie zdecydował się na masowe represje powyborcze. Spokojny przebieg wyborów prezydenckich w 2015 roku ułatwił Białorusi podjęcie dialogu politycznego ze strukturami zachodnimi (UE, RE, OBWE).

EN

Presidential elections in Belarus in 2015 did not follow democratic standards. Once again Aleksandr Lukashenko was elected a president. The political opposition was not able to develop a consistent election strategy. Attempts to consolidate the democratic circles and put forward one candidate also failed. The presidential elections were fully controlled by the regime and went according to the previously proved scheme. Contrary to the previous presidential elections in 2010, the regime did not decide to launch a campaign of mass post-election repressions. The quiet presidentialelections in 2015 facilitated for Belarus an initiation of a political dialogue with Western structures (EU, EC and OSCE).

17

The influence of the Council of Europe and other European institutions on the media law system in postSoviet states

32%

Richter A.

|

2009

|

vol. 2

|

issue 1(2)

15-26

EN

In the post-Soviet states of today globalization is taking place predominantly to the West’s values for human rights and fundamental freedoms. This process is being driven by such interna- tional organizations as the European Union, Council of Europe and OSCE, which operate here prima- rily as human-rights protectors. Th organizations have exerted significant pressure on the authori- ties in the countries in this study, especially Azerbaijan, Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova and Ukraine. The media reforms that international bodies are influencing in these countries are generally leading towards a more robust model for independent journalism. The concept of free- dom of mass information is reviving, state broadcasters are being turned into public-service, and other changes are taking place.

18

Zastosowanie metod pokojowego rozstrzygania sporów w konflikcie o Górski Karabach

26%

Kolarz S.

Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne

|

2016

|

vol. 20

193-208

EN

Application of peaceful means of international disputes resolution in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict Over twenty years ago the Armenians inhabiting one of Azerbaijani provinces declared constitution of a new state — the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. Hence, the conflict over legal status of this region begun; formally the terrain belongs to Azerbaijan, but it remains under Armenian control. The international community multiplied attempts of mediation and created a Group of Minsk under auspices of OSCE especially for the purpose of resolution of the karabakhi dispute. However, any settlement wasn’t reached so far. Therefore, one may ask whether this conflict may be solved using diplomatic means of international disputes resolution?

19

Polska w OBWE

26%

Zięba R.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2020

|

issue 2

295-308

PL

W pierwszych latach po rozpoczęciu w 1989 r. przemian demokratycznych Polska kontynuowała swoje zaangażowanie w Konferencji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie, która w 1995 r. została przemianowana na Organizację Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie. Warszawa za cel strategiczny postawiła wprowadzenie Polski do NATO i UE, a KBWE/OBWE postrzegała jako najszerszą organizację bezpieczeństwa kooperatywnego w Europie. Po przystąpieniu w 1999 r. do NATO, OBWE stopniowo traciła na znaczeniu w polskiej polityce zagranicznej, co wyraźnie było już widać w następnej dekadzie. Zdecydowany regres nastąpił w czasie drugich rządów konserwatywno- nacjonalistycznej partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) rozpoczętych w 2015 r., która w polityce bezpieczeństwa postawiła na pierwszym miejscu ścisły sojusz dwustronny z USA, który doprowadził do podjęcia przez Polskę roli klienta i wasala USA. Oznacza to kompletne zdezawuowanie roli OBWE, a tym samym odrzucenie szansy stworzenia szerokiej euroatlantyckiej i eurazjatyckiej wspólnoty bezpieczeństwa poprzez wykorzystanie unikatowych instrumentów pozostających do dyspozycji OBWE.

EN

In the first years after the beginning of democratic transition in 1989, Poland continued its involvement in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which in 1995 was renamed the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Warsaw as a strategic goal set Poland’s accession to NATO and the EU, and it perceived CSCE/OSCE as the widest cooperative security organization in Europe. After joining NATO in 1999, the OSCE gradually lost its importance in Polish foreign policy, which was clearly visible in the next decade. A decisive decline took place during the second edition of the rule of the conservative-nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party launched in 2015, which in security policy put a close bilateral alliance with the US in the first place, which led Poland to take the role of client and US vassal. This implies a complete denial of the role of the OSCE, and thus the rejection of the opportunity to create a broad Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community by using unique instruments at the OSCE’s disposal.

20

ГЕЛЬСІНСЬКІ УГОДИ: УРОК ЗАГАЛЬНОЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПРОЦЕСУ

26%

Kotlyar O., Bevzyuk E.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

|

2022

|

issue 31

301-321

EN

The article examines the main reasons for the signing of the Helsinki Final Act by actors of the global and European international system. The description of individual provisions of the document itself is provided. As a result of the study, it was proved that the Helsinki Agreement became a compromise that consolidated the existing status quo in Europe and defined the framework for the peaceful regulation of relations between the West and the East. The key principles of European peace and security were fixed by the document for many years. The agreement significantly eased the inter-bloc tension without dividing the sides of the process into "losers" and "winners". Individual ideas of Helsinki have not lost their relevance and still contain the potential to support the European security system. The main thing is non-interference in internal affairs and a balance of interests. The formation of the international organization – CSCE/OSCE - was a significant legacy of Helsinki. It opened up the opportunity for Europeans to pursue policies for the creation of a united, peaceful, democratic and prosperous Europe. At the same time, it is difficult to ignore the fact that the modern OSCE in many parameters of its activity is fundamentally different from the initial, conceived option. Today's polemics within the organization are increasingly reminiscent of the inefficient discussions of the former League of Nations. In general, little has been accomplished from the large-scale plans, for which everything started back in the 60s and 70s of the last century. However, a topic that initially seemed secondary to many came to the fore, the issue of observing human rights ("the third basket"). The European practice of interstate relations has demonstrated that the humanitarian part of the Helsinki Agreements remains relevant even today, especially in post-Soviet countries, where, by and large, little has changed since the time of the USSR in terms of the protection of human rights. The OSCE has not become and is unlikely to become the main factor in the formation of a comprehensive system of European security, covering all aspects - from military to humanitarian. Today, pettiness prevails in the organization, which does not correspond to the original intentions of its founders. In addition, the lack of a mechanism to guarantee compliance with the principles of the OSCE can finally "bury" the organization

Refine search results

The OSCE 40 Years after Helsinki: Fall Back or Reset?

Analiza ilościowa i jakościowa wyniku egzaminu praktycznego typu OSCE dla kandydatów na wolontariuszy pracujących z chorymi w hospicjum

Organizacja egzaminu typu OSCE dla kandydatów na wolontariuszy w hospicjum

OBWE a Ukraina. Sprawdzian stabilności ogólnoeuropejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa

Regionalna współpraca Ukrainy w ramach Organizacji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie w warunkach przemiany środowiska bezpieczeństwa w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

DZIAŁALNOŚĆ MISJI SPECJALNEJ OBWE NA UKRAINIE – SUKCES, PORAŻKA CZY IMPULS DO REFORM?

Modern Military Missions as a Method of Resolving Conflict in Order to Maintain International Security

Modern Military Missions as a Method of Resolving Conflict in Order to Maintain International Security

From EU-centric approach to Multilevel governance: is it only the EU that holds the cards in the region? The role of international organizations and groupings in shaping the dynamics of process inherent in the region

Bezpieczeństwo europejskie czterdzieści lat po podpisaniu Aktu Końcowego KBWE

OBSE JAKO NORMOTVORNÝ AKTÉR V REGIONÁLNÍM ŘÍZENÍ BEZPEČNOSTI – PŘÍSTUP K ANALYSE

OSCE Operational Capacity in the Regulation of Armed Conflicts in the Countries of the Former Eastern Bloc (1991–2021)

POSTAVENIE SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V MEDZINÁRODNOM KRÍZOVOM MANAŽMENTE

The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict

The Role of Stabilisation Missions in the Process of Police Reform in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

Wybory prezydenckie na Białorusi w 2015 roku

The influence of the Council of Europe and other European institutions on the media law system in post­Soviet states

Zastosowanie metod pokojowego rozstrzygania sporów w konflikcie o Górski Karabach

Polska w OBWE

ГЕЛЬСІНСЬКІ УГОДИ: УРОК ЗАГАЛЬНОЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПРОЦЕСУ

The influence of the Council of Europe and other European institutions on the media law system in postSoviet states