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„Męstwo” Brunona Jasieńskiego. Polityka płciowa w ZSRR a proza socrealistyczna

100%
Pfeifer K.
Zagadnienia Rodzajów Literackich
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2018
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vol. 61
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issue 2(126)
9-21
EN
This article is devoted to the strategies of creations of masculinity used in the novel Bravery (pol. Męstwo) written by Bruno Jasieński. The article analyzes the ways in which patriarchate is presented in post-revolutionary social and gender relations as well as the strategies used for the creation of gender identity along with the social consequences of the revolutionary project of emancipation, which was abandoned in the USSR in the early 1930s. An important assumption of the study is also an attempt to establish the relation of this short prose to dominant fiction preserved by the poetics of socialist realism.
2
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The impact of the October Revolution on CPC leadership : three generations and beyond

86%
Li W.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2019
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vol. 27
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issue 1
79-102
EN
The October Revolution of Russia, which led to the foundation of the Soviet Union, remains memorable in parts of the world. Politically and ideologically, China is one of the key countries that still appeals to the spirit of the October Revolution on official occasions. The October Revolution offered theories that legitimized China’s struggle for independence and equality through the use of force and diplomacy. Finally, the concept of a worldwide revolution aiming to liberate the “working peoples all over the world” rightly fits the Chinese notion of “all peoples are under heaven”. One of the key founders of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) was Mao Zedong, who was committed to a new order wherein “peace would then reign over the entire world according to equality, equity and justice.” The article argues that challenges are to arise after the current leadership headed by Xi Jinping leaves their positions, for it becomes imperative for the ruling elite in Beijing to hold a grand vision as well as the courage to “objectively and responsibly” regard the October Revolution and its long-term impact on China in the new century.
3
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Inconvenient Anniversary: October Revolution Day in the Polish People’s Republic, 1957–67

86%
Gajos B.
Acta Poloniae Historica
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2019
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vol. 120
PL
This article shows how the leaders of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) tried to incorporate the October Revolution into the Polish culture of remembrance. The author concentrates his attention on two round anniversaries (in 1957 and 1967) and describes the limits, zig-zags, and paradoxes of the official politics of memory conducted by the PZPR. He argues that although the Soviet leaders conceived the anniversaries of the October Revolution as a means of strengthening the friendship between the nations, in the case of Poland, they created an opportunity to advance arguments for easing Soviet domination. The author also points out that both the Soviet and Polish cultures of remembrances shared one feature in common: by the late 1960s, the theme of the Second World War started to overshadow all other events from the past, including first and foremost the October Revolution.
4
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Obchody Międzynarodowego Dnia Kobiet w Rosji w latach 1913–1991

58%
Goworko-Składanek B.
Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych
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2017
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issue 2(3)
58-73
PL
Po raz pierwszy Dzień Kobiet był obchodzony w Petersburgu w 1913 r. Dopiero w 1921 r. na mocy decyzji II Komunistycznej Konferencji Kobiet postanowiono uczcić Międzynarodowy Dzień Kobiet w dniu 8 marca. Nowe święto zostało ustanowione na cześć udziału kobiet w demonstracji w Petersburgu w dniu 23 lutego (8 marca) 1917 r. Od 1922 r. 8 marca był obchodzony jako święto proletariackie, skupiające się wokół Rosyjskiej Partii Komunistycznej (bolszewickiej), związków zawodowych i haseł budowania nowego ładu społecznego. W dwudziestą rocznicę zakończenia Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej 8 marca został uznany dniem wolnym od pracy na mocy dekretu Prezydium Rady Najwyższej ZSRS. Do czasu pierestrojki państwowym obchodom dnia 8 marca towarzyszyły hasła polityczne. Po upadku Związku Sowieckiego dzień 8 marca pozostał na liście dni świątecznych Federacji Rosyjskiej i zarazem dniem wolnym od pracy.
EN
International Women’s Day was celebrated for the first time in St. Petersburg in 1913. It was only after the 2nd Communist Women’s Conference’s decision in 1921 to proclaim March 8th International Women’s Day. The new holiday was established in honor of the women’s participation in a demonstration in St Petersburg on the 8th of March 1917. From 1922 it was celebrated as a proletarian feast, closely tied to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and trade unions with their slogans on building a new social order. On the 20th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR declared the 8th of March as work free day. By the time of perestroika, the state celebrations of International Women’s Day were accompanied by political propaganda. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the 8th of March remained on the list of official public holidays of the Russian Federation.
5
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Why socialist realism? Space and propaganda – the birth of myth

51%
Kwiatkowski J. W.
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
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2018
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vol. 39
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issue 4
145-161
EN
There is no single definition of social realism, nor is there a single name - either in Europe or in the world, for the entire propaganda and artistic movement. Technically speaking, the name of socialist realism is not widely used in Russia itself, but its role is difficult to overestimate in the birth of the new myth, a new transcultural code that grew nearly 10 years after the October Revolution as a result of the rejection of the constructivist conquest by the political establishment. The article goes back to the search not only of the definition but of the origin of socialist realism, setting out new paths of his cognition. The role of propaganda in the recent history of Russia, is generally underestimated.
PL
Nie ma jednej definicji socrealizmu, nie ma również jednej nazwy – tak w Europie jak i na świecie, zarówno dla propagandy jak i całego ruchu propagandowo-artystycznego. Formalnie rzecz ujmując, nazwa socrealizm nie jest powszechnie używania również w samej Rosji, jednak jego rolę trudno przecenić w narodzinach nowego mitu, nowego kodu transkulturowego jaki wyrósł blisko 10 lat po rewolucji październikowej w wyniku odrzucenia przez polityczny establishment zdobyczy konstruktywizmu. Poniższy artykuł sięga do poszukiwań nie tylko definicji, ale i genezy socrealizmu, wytyczając nowe szlaki jego poznania. Powszechnie nie docenia się roli propagandy w najnowszej historii Rosji.
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