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EN
Abolition of the Ottoman model in Bosnia after the 1995 and the crisis of the stateIn this paper is analyzed the dis/continuity of the Ottoman tradition in Bosnia, treated not in the ethnographical or superficial perspective, but in its deeper, cultural and social aspect. The so-called Ottoman model, continued in Austro-Hungarian and Yugoslav period, was characterized by multiplicity of social actors and the lack of the obsession of national territory. The boundaries of an autonomous territory (i.e. Bosnia under Ottoman, or Habsburg and Yugoslav rule) delimitated the sphere of shared practices, and its condition depended on relations between different ethnical agents. After the 1995 predominates the tendency toward territorial and national homogenization which leads to division, and liquidation of the Bosnian state. Nonetheless, the Ottoman model is described here as ambiguous, for its inability to shape the public sphere as a space of civic subjects, not only communities. A lack of the positive idea of the state, and the lack of any legitimization of the power other than nationalism, are seen as the major sources of political and social instability in Bosnia.
EN
The tradition of importing oriental horses from the Middle East to Poland dates back to the beginnings of the modern period. The mission undertaken in 1583 by Jakub Podlodowski (1548–1583), King Stephen Bathory’s sub-equerry, is the first widely known project of this type. This paper aims to put in order the existing knowledge on the Podlodowski’s trip of 1583, as well as on his previous trip to Turkey in 1577. Such project seems necessary in view of inconsistencies found in the literature on the subject. The two expeditions to the East deserve much more attention than they have received so far, since the purchase of horses seems to be just an excuse for behind-the-scenes diplomatic talks and intelligence activities forming part of the preparations for the already developed war plans against Turkey.
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EN
The text is an attempt to present the democratization’s process of the Republic of Turkey. The Republic was proclaimed in 1923. In the introduction the authors recalled an earlier period, namely the second half of XIXth century, when in the Ottoman Empire had occured the ideas of constitutional order (1876). The Empire had been looking for ways and means to join the modern world following earlier examples of European monarchies.The next period- the fi rst half of XXth century – was marked by the Republic of Turkey.There are striking similarities between emerging the Republic of Turkey and the Second Polish Republic. The emergences not only took place at the same time but also had been driven by similar factors and processes. In the both cases countries were led by great personalities, who had not belonged to the core nations, which they headed to democracy. The both leaders had to face powers willing to destroy young democracies and unfriendly attitudes of the Western powers.They both also „miraculously” saved their countries when enemies’ troops were close to the capitals. After the World War II our ways to democracy were different. Today, however, we can see that the ways led in the same direction and theywere infl uenced by similar circumstances. Perhaps these circumstances have caused that the political developments in both countries are almost identical. 1. The both above mentioned leaders at the beginning of the last century made coup d’etat by military force. 2. In Poland, after WWII politicians had been under the supervision of „brotherly neighbor”. In Turkey the supervision was performed by the military. Perhaps it created longing for a new leader. 3. In both countries the roles of religion and its institutions were marginalized. Perhaps this stimulated desire for a chief motivated by the faith. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that both Poland and Turkey are looked upon by the West as countries leading in democratic transformations in their respective regions, which for obscure reasons have started to move towards an authoritarian rule. In both cases foreign observers talk about the lack of understanding of the essence of democracy, which is a consensus by the societies as well as by the ruling elites. In each state power is exercised by a single party of chieftain character and the permanent expansion of power at the expence of democratic institutions has been justified as the will of nation as a whole.
EN
It is still partially unexplained why, in 16th–17th-century Hungary – as opposed to Western countries – Ottoman history was not processed in an authentic and scholarly way. Why is it that intelligent Western reports of the Ottoman Empire and its history had no echo in Hungary, even though these reports wrote about, and were written to, Hungarians? This paper aims to answer the above questions when discussing Johannes Löwenklau, one of the most excellent 16th-century experts in the Ottomans. First we examine the three main sources used for his Ottoman Histories, all of them related to Hungary. Then we describe the intellectual background of Löwenklau's Chronicles. The two parts of the study off er two diff erent answers to the above question. (1) In the 16th century, Hungary fell apart, so it was impossible to conduct deep studies, although they would have served the country's interests. It is thus not surprising that the learned synthesis of sources of Hungarian origin was made by a German Humanist. (2) Löwenklau was a tolerant, gentle, intellectual member of the Bohemian Brethren. His books paint an alternative image of the Turks, one that does not match the commonplaces on the ancient enemy of Christianity, and one that is also distinct from the "the scourge of God" destined to revenge crimes according to the Wittenberg Reformation. A desire for universal peace clearly appeared in his works, in addition to the confrontation with the Turks and the idea of the Crusade. The ordinary Hungarian audience was averse to this combination of scholarly research and apocalypticism, so it is notsurprising that Hungarian historiography has been largely silent about this great historian of his age.
EN
The travel accounts of Simeon of Poland, an Armenian deacon from Lviv, represent one of the most important works of modern Armenian literature. The work does not just record his journey to the Ottoman Empire in the years 1608–1618, but also frequently very detailed and lively description of the life there, during which the author primarily focuses on the everyday life of the Christian minorities. This travel journal is even supplemented at the end with several period colophons that illustrate the situation in Lviv and its close surroundings in the period between the 1620s and 1630s. The article is derived from textual analysis of the primary source, which was written in one of the forms of medieval Armenian. The events included in it are compared with other primary sources from the same period that originated in the region of Central and Eastern Anatolia (particularly from Armenian chroniclers of the so-called Bitlis School). There is particular emphasis placed on analysis of the conditions affecting the members of the Armenian apostolic community in that period as well as descriptions of their everyday lives and relations with their neighbors.
EN
The events related to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye contributed to a complete departure from the system of constitutional monarchy in favour of a parliamentary democracy. Owing to the decisions on Europeanisation and implemented reforms, i.e., adopting a Civil Code based on the Swiss code, a Criminal Code reflecting the Italian code, a Commercial Code underpinned by the German code (1924), and the transition to the Latin alphabet which replaced Arabic (1928), as well as education reforms (1925), women's suffrage (1934), and the introduction of surnames (1935), etc. the Turkish people became a European society, aware of their rights and obligations. The transition from a singleparty regime to a multi-party period (1946) allowed for democracy to be consolidated. Türkiye's participation in strictly European and international political and military organisations was of vital significance and turned the country into an extremely important state. Its failed efforts to join the EEC, and, subsequently, the European Union, resulted in Türkiye abandoning its interest in this form of cooperation (1997). The socio-political transformations that took place in the 20th century, highlighted in this article, characterise this dynamically changing period. The evolution of the views of Turkish society was clearly marked in the second half of the 20th century, which led to serious changes in the mindsets of the Turkish people and completely altered the image of the country post-2002, allowing the newly established Justice and Development Party to assume power (2002).
EN
Period in the late 19th – early 20th centuries was a rapid economic recovery in Ukraine. The excess of production over the volume of the domestic consumer market encouraged entrepreneurs to export coal, primarily to the nearest foreign markets. The market of the Ottoman Empire was determined as a important in that respect. The study of the export direction of commercial activity of Ukrainian entrepreneurs became possible as a result of attracting a wide range of sources including Government and business statistical directories, office documents of representative organizations, articles from periodicals of that time, archival materials, etc. The author analyses export techniques of Ukrainian businessmen as one of the components of business culture wich consists of introducing organizational and logistical techniques for export tasks, studying global experience and using the most successful and effective mechanisms to influence the process of invading foreign markets. The paper shows that Ukrainian entrepreneurs had resorted to a variety of tools to promote their products including business meetings and participating in the “Floating Exhibition”. The author concludes that, despite all efforts, Ukrainian entrepreneurs lost in competition with more developed countries and they had to pay attention to the increased domestic demand. The idea of Ukrainian business community to organize a permanent trade mission in Constantinople in the form of a chamber of commerce, which originated in the early XX century, is implemented at the present stage of mutually beneficial partnership between Ukraine and Turkey.
EN
This Article is devoted to Polish-Moldavian relations during the reign of Stephen IV of Moldavia. This theme played out in the Polish historiography in a completely marginal role. In the studies we find only a brief mention of this ruler. Meanwhile, his reign fell on hard times during Turkish expansion in the Balkans and Moldova barely defended the remnants of a self independence. For Poland, this region played a key role against the threat of Tatars and in the context of the Black Sea trade. That is why King Sigismund the Old wanted to keep its influence in Moldavia and save it for annexation by Turkey. These attempts, however, faced a number of obstacles which can be read in the article.
EN
Mühimme defters have a special place among all the archival material inherited from the Ottoman Empire. Recording copies of the decisions made in the Imperial Council, the highest administrative organ of the state, these defters contain important information not only about the domestic affairs of the Empire but also about its foreign policy. This study examines the relations between the Crimean Khanate and the Polish-Lithuanian State as reflected in mühimme defters from 1551 to 1584. Border disputes, annual payments made or not made by Poland to the Crimean Khanate, diplomatic relations, exchange of ambassadors, and the residence of Alp Giray and Selamet Giray in Poland were some of the main issues reflected in mühimme defters.
EN
In the chaotic situation following the British invasion of southern Palestine at the end of 1917, military officials faced several countervailing pressures. In addition to ongoing military priorities (including international norms pertaining to military occupations, such as the law of the ‘status quo’), pressing humanitarian concerns, and even the personal religious sentiments of individual officers, the British occupation administration was forced to take into account international pressures and interventions resulting from the overlapping and conflicting promises made during the war (inter alia, Sykes‑Picot agreement, Husayn‑McMahon correspondence, Balfour Declaration, and President Wilson’s 14 Points). This paper focuses on the land policy‑making process as a case study with which to weigh the various factors pressing upon the military occupation as it evolved during its first three years. Land ownership was a huge concern: a properly functioning land registry was seen as key to the improvement of economic and social conditions in the largely agricultural economy, and British interventions were followed closely by all interested parties. The land has also been at the centre of the ensuing century‑long conflict between Arabs and Jews. Thus, a close examination of land policies (and especially the 1920 land ordinance) offers an extremely important window on both the rule of law in the aftermath of the war and our understanding of the current, unending conflict in the land.
Perspektywy Kultury
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2020
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vol. 30
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issue 3
197-210
EN
The article presents the French edition-printed in The Hague in 1723- of a significant example of travel literature from the end of the 17th century: A Journey into Greece (1682) by Sir George Wheler (1651–1724). The book made a profound mark on the studies of archeology, epigraphy, and the numis­matics of the Balkans, Greece, and the Byzantine world. The article illustrates the significant data collected by the English traveler, botanist, scholar of classi­cal antiquity, and clergyman, relating to the cultural and confessional mosaic in the space of southeastern Europe. His descriptions should be interpreted as a representative portrait of the remains of the ancient Euro‑Mediterranean ecumene. The traveler-churchman’s spirit of observation and sensitivity made Wheler a model author in the scholarly travel literature of the 17th century.
EN
For centuries, the Ottoman Empire had an important status in international relations, for which the term ‘the Eastern Question’ is generally used. Its traditional rival, Tsarist Russia, eventually determined the principal objective of its policy regarding Istanbul as controlling the strategic straits of the Bosporus and Dardanelles between the Black and Mediterranean Seas. The First World War provided Russia with further opportunity to pursue its own imperial demands against the Ottoman Empire. Along with its British and French allies, Russia first tried to prevent the Ottoman Empire from joining the war on Germany and Austria-Hungary’s side. At the turn of October and November of 1914, the Ottoman Empire came out in opposition to the Entente. As such, Russia, France and Britain began discussions on dividing out the ‘legacy’ of the Ottoman Empire, during which the often contradictory interests of the Entente powers came into conflict. The Russian Revolution and the outcome of the First World War transformed the original plans of the Middle East’s future in a significant manner.
EN
This article is devoted to a comprehensive discussion of Jews’ conversion to Protestantism in the Ottoman Empire in the cities of Istanbul and Izmir, during the decade before the Hatt-i-Șerif of Gülhane, the first Tanzimat decree in 1839, until the Hatti hümayun decree of 18 February 1856. It also considers the attitudes of the Ottoman authorities and the Jewish communities toward this phenomenon, as well as the extent to which three missionary societies, the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, the American Board of the Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), and the Free church of Scotland mission, succeeded in prevailing upon Jews to give up their faith. The missionaries worked with the millenarian anticipations and looked forward to intensive activity which would result in the conversion of the Jewish masses. To achieve their objectives they relied on evangelical, educational and philanthropic activities, and on medical missions. The article discusses the motives and the social and economic status of converts to Christianity and those given Christian religious instruction, and describes the communities’ steps taken against Jewish conversion to Christianity in the 1820-50s. The article concludes that all three missionary societies that operated in the Ottoman Empire acknowledged the fact of their failure to achieve the goal of converting the Jewish masses, and took solace in those dozens who were converted through their efforts.
EN
This paper aims to analyze the role and impact of the Austro-Hungarian policy on maintaining the territorial status quo in the Balkans at the time when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire was becoming inevitable. The independence of Albania was because of three main factors: the Albanian revolt in 1912, First Balkan War in 1912/13 and the diplomacy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Albanian revolt in 1912 gave the decisive blow against the Ottoman administration in Kosovo, which even resulted with the occupation of Skopje, but, due to internal differences Albanians did not declare independence from the Ottoman Empire. The First Balkan War hastened the decision of the Albanian leaders to declare independence, which can also be seen as a reaction of a threat of occupation to the Albanian territories by the Balkan Alliance (Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and Bulgaria). However, Serbia and Montenegro managed to occupy Northern Macedonia (part of the Vilayet of Manastir). In this context, the role of the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy during the London Conference (1912–1913), was crucial for the recognition of the independence of Albania and the determination of the borders of the Albanian state. Since the occupation in 1878 and the later annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was strongly interested and involved in the Balkans, both economically and politically. The rivalry between Austria-Hungary and Russia over the dominance in the Balkans intensified since the beginning of the twentieth century and led to a deterioration of their relations. In this context, Austria-Hungary was interested in creating the Albanian state as a counterbalance to Serbian and Russian influence in Southeast Europe, as a barrier to prevent the territorial extension and to block the road of Serbia, wich had already occupied Kosovo, toward the Adriatic.
EN
The article focusses on the analysis of crafts and professions that occurred in particular Armenian communities and diaspora centres in modern history. In this respect, it is possible to discover a certain trend to carry out some types of professions, which then determined the social status and the social position. Influential Armenian merchants (khodjas) acted not only as mediators who connected several cultures due to their minority position, but also as benefactors and philanthropists who supported the Armenian Apostolic Church first, and then even the first generations of Armenian revivalists. Their virtual monopoly for trading in silk, gold and jewellery helped them create international trade networks the effect of which became evident both in West-European cities and in the Far East. Judging from period travellers’ reports, the share of Armenian city elite was quite distinct in Ottoman and Persian cities; (according to European authors) they represented the “visible minority” which most reference works from that time refer to and whose image became, due to frequent descriptions, an integral part of the European discourse concerning Orient, or Christian Orient by extension. Armenian merchant dynasties of amiras became the main motor for Ottoman industrialization; the Armenians in the role of sarrafs (bankers) guaranteed both sultans’ and European banks’ loans.
EN
This article deals with analysis of publication of Gülhane noble decree (3 November 1839) which is an eminent event in the modern history of the Ottoman Empire. Promises of sultan Abdülmecid I contained in this document in fact opened the door for a reform period called tanzimat, which is mostly put between years 1839–1876. This article also focuses on earlier attempts of reorganization and modernization of the empire, especially on reforms of sultan Selim III and sultan Mahmut II. Knowledge of these reforms is necessary for understanding the events of 1839. An important part of this article is formed by analysing circumstances of Gülhane decree origins and the English version of its text.
EN
Recenzowana monografia ukazuje brytyjską politykę nad Bosforem z perspektywy „nowej historii dyplomatycznej”. Jej Autor analizuje pochodzenie i status brytyjskich dyplomatów, bada język i ceremoniał przyjęty podczas uroczystych audiencji, jak też przy okazji codziennych kontaktów z osmańskimi dostojnikami oraz śledzi zmiany we wzajemnej percepcji w dobie wzrostu brytyjskich ambicji imperialnych oraz rosnącej świadomości osłabienia Porty Otomańskiej. The monograph under review depicts the British policy on the Bosporus in the light of the ‘new diplomatic history’. Its author analyzes the origins and status of British diplomats, studies the language and ceremonial adopted during solemn audiences as well as everyday contacts with Ottoman dignitaries, and traces the changes in mutual perception during the era of the rise of British imperial ambitions and of the growing awareness of the weakening of the Ottoman Porte.
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