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Ostatnie proby nowelizacji prawa wyborczego do parlamentu w pracach Komisji Konstytucyjnej Sejmu I kedencji 1922-1927

100%
Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2012
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issue 1(108)
71-80
EN
After the May coup d’état of 1926, the modification of the system of parliamentary elections has become a subject of public debate in the Second Republic, as well as an important element of political dispute in the last year of the Sejm of the first term of office.. The acts governing parliamentary elections, in force since 1922, aroused widespread criticism, except for the left-wing and national minority parliamentary groups. However, between February and September 1927 it has not led to any effective action enabling an evolution of legal norms governing the operation of that element of the constitutional system. The centre left members of the Constitutional Committee were so convinced of their infallibility that even an obvious need for conciliation, to rationalize mechanisms contained in electoral laws, has not compelled them to abandon their most controversial concepts. The members of parliamentary left also have not had a vision, and the slogans of defence of parliamentarism they articulated (in the form applied before May 1926) did not provide adequate justification for their decisions. Therefore, they – together with representatives of national minorities – took an uncompromising stance, leaving no room even for a slight compromise. Bearing in mind these considerations, it is worth noting the position of the Pilsudski’s camp on this issue. Since spring 1926, Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel has repeatedly raised the issue of electoral reform, but these declarations were not accompanied by real action in parliament. Despite the favourable atmosphere, senators did not submit their own draft of electoral law, nor did they support submissions by the centre-right. Their actions were limited to verbal declarations. It may be assumed with some degree of certainty that this was because, under the regime established in the May coup d’état, the elections were deprived of the function of alternation of power, but had to serve as a means of spreading ideological slogans by the government camp. These actions were not caused by a desire for social acceptance. On the contrary, they only reflected the exercise of control over the general public. It was intended to test public sentiments during the election. However, it was not planned to create state authorities endowed with legitimacy.
2
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O VOLEBNÍM INŽENÝRSTVÍ NA SLOVENSKU OD ROKU 1989

80%
Charvát J.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2018
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vol. 7
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issue 1
5 – 14
EN
The paper analyses the politics of electoral reform since 1989 in Slovakia as it follows the earlier paper of Michal Drengubiak (2017) in order to advance some of its conclusions. After a brief theoretical introduction of the investigated issue the paper focuses on four electoral-reform processes in Slovakia, namely electoral reforms of 1990, 1992, 1998 and 1999. The main findings of the paper are that the 1990 electoral reform was an elite-dominated process, that the 1998 electoral reform is an example of a specific case regarding the Micro-mega rule of Josep Colomer, and that there may be distinguished two waves of the politics of electoral reform in Slovakia (transitional and post-transitional) which differs mainly in strategies opted by political actors to maximize their parliamentary seat shares.
3

AKO VOLILI NÁRODNOSTI A KONFESIE V PARLAMENTNÝCH VOĽBÁCH ROKU 1929 NA SLOVENSKU. MOŽNOSTI NOVÝCH METÓD EKOLOGICKEJ INFERENCIE

70%
Bahna M., Krivý V.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2016
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vol. 64
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issue 1
57 – 85
EN
Our study provides a comprehensive answer to the question of how the main nationalities and denominations in Slovakia voted in the third parliamentary elections in the Czechoslovak Republic. Using municipality level aggregate data, we apply two modern methods of ecological inference to provide an answer. Their reliability is tested using known nationality and denomination distributions from the 1930 Census that followed 13 months after the elections. Our results are based on the method proposed by Greiner and Quinn and evaluated in a confrontation with previous works on the electoral support for parties in the Czechoslovak Republic as well as analyses of politically, nationally and religiously homogeneous environments where ecological fallacy can be avoided. Our findings support the assertions about the importance of national and religious division lines in party support in the late 1920s Slovakia.
4

TENDENCIE VOLEBNÉHO SPRÁVANIA PRÍSLUŠNÍKOV MAĎARSKEJ MENŠINY NA SLOVENSKU

70%
Mészárosová-Lampl Z.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 2
22 – 38
EN
The study discusses the dynamics of voter interest of the Hungarians living in Slovakia, their election preferences and opinions on the current Hungarian political representation in Slovakia. It is based on the sociological surveys conducted by the Institute for Minority Research since the turn of the millennium. The last survey was undertaken in June 2019. It was carried out in 149 municipalities of southern Slovakia. The sample consisted of 1000 adult subjects of Hungarian nationality and was representative in terms of gender, age, education, proportion of Hungarian population in individual districts and type of municipality. According to 88% of the respondents, it is necessary for the Hungarians in Slovakia to have their own political representation. 67% of the respondents believe that its most adequate expression would be one Hungarian political party while for 21%, it would be several mutually cooperating Hungarian parties. If parliamentary elections were held now, 67% of the respondents would participate and 59% of the respondents would vote for the current Hungarian parties. Should these parties merge, 75% would participate in the elections and 70% would vote for a joint Hungarian political entity.
5

PARLAMENTNÍ VOLBY A AKTIVITA ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ STRANY LIDOVÉ V POLITICKÉM ŽIVOTĚ PRVNÍ ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ REPUBLIKY V REFLEXI PŘEDSTAVITELŮ SVATÉHO STOLCE

70%
Šmíd M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 2
273 – 291
EN
The study deals with the reports on the parliamentary elections by the Vatican diplomats in Czechoslovakia in the period of the First Republic (1918–1938). This represents a valuable source of knowledge of the multi-layered activity of the Apostolic Nuncio in Prague, who regularly sent his detailed reports to the Secretary of State of the Holy See - in the 1920s, Cardinal Pietro Gasparri and Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli, later Pope Pius XII. The study deals with every parliamentary election that took place during the inter-war period (April 1920, November 1925, October 1929 and May 1935). Their results are compared in relation to both the expectations of the representatives of the Holy See and the political and religious reality in Czechoslovakia, considering each election to be a phenomenon that cannot be comprehensively studied without knowledge of the Vatican archives. The text is primarily based on the Historical Archive of the State Secretariat of the Holy See in the Vatican and abundant Czech literature.
6
Content available remote

NATIONALIZATION VERSUS REGIONALIZATION: FEATURES OF THE PARTY SYSTEM DEVELOPMENT IN UKRAINE (1991–2020)

70%
Ostapets Y., Klyuchkovych A., Shelemba M.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2022
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vol. 11
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issue 1
15 - 30
EN
In this article, the authors present their vision of the theoretical and empirical aspects of the party system’s nationalization and regionalization in Ukraine in 1991–2020. Electoral processes and the party system structuring in Ukraine are analysed through the prism of the nationalization theory. The main factors that affect the processes of nationalization / regionalization of the party system (socio-cultural heterogeneity, features of post-communist transit, political regime, and electoral rules) are characterized. The degree of nationalization / regionalization of the Ukrainian party system is analysed using a set of empirical indicators: the index of the effective number of parties, the Pedersen volatility index, and the nationalization index. Comparison of empirical indicators testifies to the variability of the processes of parties’ nationalization and regionalization based on the election results, and also demonstrates the ambivalence of the party system development in Ukraine and the low level of its institutionalization. A general conclusion is made about the low level of nationalization of the party system and the heterogeneity (regionality) of party preferences of the citizens of Ukraine.
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COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OFTHE MACROECONOMIC GOALS OF THE WINNING PARTIES IN POLAND OVER THE PERIOD 1997-2008 (Analiza porownawcza celow makroekonomicznych partii politycznych wygrywajacych wybory w latach 1997-2008)

70%
Targaszewska M.
Econometrics. Ekonometria. Advances in Applied Data Analytics
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2011
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issue 30 (Zastosowania metod ilościowych)
47-57
EN
The paper presents the results of comparative analysis of some macroeconomic goals (such as unemployment, national gross product, budget deficit, employment, salary and inflation). These objectives were included in pilot programs of winning parties in Poland over the period 1997-2008. A statistical method called Principle Components Analysis was applied in this research.
8
Content available remote

EKOLOGICKÁ ANALÝZA VÝSLEDKOV PARLAMENTNÝCH VOLIEB V ROKU 2012 A PREZIDENTSKÝCH VOLIEB V ROKU 2014: MOŽNOSTI A LIMITY ŠTRUKTURÁLNYCH VYSVETLENÍ

61%
Baboš P., Malová D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2015
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vol. 47
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issue 4
340 – 364
EN
This study addresses the often debated importance of structure for explaining voting behaviour and cleavage formation in post-communist countries. Based on ecological analysis this study applies multivariate regression analysis (MRA) to test the possibilities and limits of structure in explaining the results of the 2012 parliamentary elections and 2014 presidential elections in Slovakia. The study reveals the high importance of general structure compared to findings in Western Europe, as all tested structural factors together explain from 46 to 77 per cent of electoral variation for the parliamentary election and from 25 to almost 99 per cent of the presidential candidates’ support. MRA confirms some findings from previous research, e.g. the significance of ethnicity and the rural-urban divide. However, our model does not confirm the strength of the religious factor for the Christian Democrats (KDH). Discussing the findings, the study suggests that to improve structure-based explanations in post-communist countries it is necessary to adjust the conceptualization of the structure to fit the region’s unique history.
9
Content available remote

ETABLOVANÉ STRANY V OBLEŽENÍ: REKONSTRUKCE ČESKÉHO STRANICKÉHO SYSTÉMU OD 2010

61%
Charvát J.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2015
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vol. 4
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issue 2
19 – 32
EN
The paper deals with the question of party system change in the Czech Republic since the 2010 parliamentary elections. Although at least since the mid-1990s the Czech party system was considered to be one of the most stable party systems in the CEE countries, since the 2010 elections the Czech party system has been undergoing major transformation of its format and structure, mainly because of a drastic change of voter behaviour in the 2010 and 2013 parliamentary elections.
10
Content available remote

FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLS: GRIEVANCE THEORY AND THE RISE OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE 2010 AND 2013 CZECH PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

61%
Maškarinec P., Bláha P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 6
706 – 731
EN
This article presents an analysis of the electoral success of new political parties in the 2010 and 2013 Czech parliamentary elections. The article uses the grievance theory for explaining the reasons behind inter-regional variation of electoral support for the Public Affairs Party, ANO 2011, and the Dawn of Direct Democracy of Tomio Okamura. We use two grievance mobilization models which focus on economic changes and immigration/ethnic conflict. The study discusses grievance mobilization models and tests them on aggregate regional data using linear regression analysis. Overall, the study finds that the explanatory capacity of grievance theory mobilization models is very low. This is especially the case of economic grievances, but even ethnic mobilization models were only moderately successful. While neither model performed well when controlling for education and age structure, the models including contextual variables had the best explanatory ability. As the total amount of variance explained by the regression models was very low, future research should search for other factors explaining the reasons for the rise of the new parties. The theoretical model of grievance mobilization should be applied on individual data from surveys that are able to account more adequately for existing grievances in society, including political grievances, which are very difficult to observe at the aggregate level of analysis.
11

VOLEBNÁ KAMPAŇ ĽUDOVEJ STRANY PRED PARLAMENTNÝMI VOĽBAMI V 20. ROKOCH 20. STOROČIA

61%
Osyková L.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2010
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vol. 58
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issue 2
233-261
EN
Before every parliamentary election in the 1920s, the Slovak People's Party had to struggle with different circumstances. In 1920 the program of the party was based on three ideological pillars: Christian, national and popular or social. In the first parliamentary elections, the party gained third place after the Social Democrats and Agrarians. The support of priests, who supported the Ludaks played an important part. Voters also certainly decided according to confession. Before the 1925 elections, the party presented a thoroughly revised program for the autonomy of Slovakia. Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (HSLS) won with a high number of votes. The active support of Catholic voters and criticism of the coalition certainly worked. Taking over the agenda of the Agrarian Party, meaning increased interest in the problem of land reform, could also bring good results for the Ludaks. In the 1929 elections, HSLS again triumphed, but with fewer votes than in 1925. The party had been damaged by the Tuka affair. The negative impact of the sudden move to the opposition camp and a certain political isolation caused by the Tuka affair replaced fear of the loss of votes in connection with the participation of HSLS in government.
12

Ewolucja systemu partyjnego Republiki Mołdawii w latach 1992–2010

51%
Kotulewicz K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
5-23
EN
The article presents basic information on the party system of the Republic of Moldova and outlines the main features of that system by providing the constitutional and legal basis for the activities of political parties, the regulation of the electoral system, and presenting the elements affecting its development in light of the results of parliamentary elections in the past two decades. Moldova is a multi-party system currently consisting of 31 political parties, from which only the large ones hold a realistic chance of victory in parliamentary elections. This has an impact on the existing proportional electoral system. Frequent changes to both the size of the election threshold and electoral geography are important aspects of the development of the party system in Moldova.
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