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EN
Until the late seventies of the last century, the authorities of the People's Republic of Poland ,for political reasons, treated its citizens work trips to capitalist countries as an undesirable phenomenon, officially nonexistent. The information on Polish emigration of the time rarely appeared in the then press. The situation changed in the late 1980 and 1981 as a result of ongoing socio-political transformation. The press began to place reports on conditions of living outside Poland. Authors of a published material - depending on the political "inclination" of a newspaper where they were employed – either expressed sympathy for people’s fate in exile, or they mocked at their irrational decision to leave the country, or even accused of lack of patriotism and selling out to the "mammon", etc. The press releases at large, however, were characterized by considerable diversity both in a description of the exile as well as its assessment. The presented text attempts to reproduce the picture of the then Polish exile which Polish newspaper reader could have find in the official press.
EN
The domestic situation in the Soviet Union, the policy pursued by the Kremlin towards the Central-Eastern and Western Europe and the whole world, as well as predictions associated with the political elites in Moscow comprised the most important issues which focused the attention of the émigré circles in 'Polish London' in the years 1945-1953. Apparently, the most involved in preparing expert opinions and political commentaries were politicians from the government circles and journalists. The best known among the 'Soviet studies' experts who had emerged among the 'Polish London' milieu were Aleksander Bregman, Zygmunt Szemplinski (who signed his texts as Stanislw Klinga), Jerzy Niezbrzycki (who used the pen name of Ryszard Wraga), Stanislaw Kodz and Stefan Lochtin. Distinguished politicians included Waclaw Grzybowski, the former Polish ambassador in Moscow, and General Wladyslaw Anders, who personally met Stalin and observed the events in the Soviet Union prior to, and in the course of the second world war. Polish émigrés were interested primarily in political and economic questions. In 1952-1953, i. e. from the Nineteenth Congress of the Soviet communist party to the death of Stalin, they acquainted Poles living abroad with the Kremlin policy towards Poland, Europe and the rest of the word. Their analyses also took into account the daily life of the Soviet citizens, and presented prognoses connected with the hierarchy of the Kremlin elite of power. After Stalin's death the Polish press in Great Britain held an extensive discussion in which almost all the participants indicated the commencement of the Malenkov era. On the other hand, it is worth stressing that the debate also pointed to the fact that not only Malenkov, but all the remaining Soviet dignitaries played a role distant from that of the 'Red tsar', i. e. Stalin.
EN
In this essay I connect the decisions and experiences of individual migrants, starting with Wladyslaw Chuchla, and place them in larger, even global frames of decision-making and the options societies of departure and of arrival provide as well as constraints they impose. This involves relating Chuchla’s – and, in a comparative perspective, other migrants’ – place of birth in its evolvement over time in the macro-region and its history. It also involves a discussion of the routes to exit from both the local course of history and the geography. Thus, I discuss the Atlantic Migration System and the Polish lands in an integrated perspective: were conditions in the Polish lands singular or may they be compared to patterns in other parts of the world? I will look at the agency of migrants leaving other parts of the world but sharing with Chuchla the destination North America. This discussion will raise methodological and theoretical issues. Local communities are the spaces in which men and women make their decisions. They are transculturally rather than transnationally connected but the frames in which decisions are made characterize larger regions. I argue that migrating men and women made their decisions to depart and about where to arrive in the frame of inter-state power relations, impositions by the elites (and, sometimes, neighbors) of self-elevated national cultures, and in local everyday-cultures, norms, beliefs framed by regional economies and the human capital that could be developed in them. Emigration was a counter project to “nation” building. Polish migrants could chose destinations in a near-global diaspora, provided information and travel connections existed to their place of departure. Diaspora, too, is localized and in many different ways transcultural.
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