Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 12

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Content available remote

PRIESKUM POLITICKO-IDEOLOGICKÝCH PREFERENCIÍ ŠTUDENTOV FF PU V PREŠOVE

100%
Polačková A., Cirner M.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2013
|
vol. 2
|
issue 1
38 – 55
EN
The present study provides partial results of the grant project focused on the perception of ideological values and political beliefs of FF PU students in Prešov. This study synthesizes some of the results of similar surveys and probes of youth in Slovakia. The status of citizen in the Slovak Republic, their participation and value orientations are described in theory.
2
Content available remote

Proč jsou kvóty strašákem?

100%
Uhde Z.
Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)
|
2006
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
6-10
EN
The authoress addresses in the article the debate concerning the application of quotas for the assertion of equal representation of men and women in politics. She develops the theoretical argumentation in order to disprove some objections formulated by Ivana Strilkova in her article 'Dilemmas of Positive Discrimination and Gender Mainstreaming as a Potential Solution?' published in Vol. 6, Nr 2 of this journal and abstracted in CEJSH. She based her argument on the theory of Nancy Fraser and Iris Young. With reference to some practical and empirical mentions she argues for efficacy of quotas for assertion of parity of participation between women and men. In particular, she alerts to dilemma of difference which is ground in the ambiguous relation between assertion of neutral rule and the threat of reification of group characteristics. Furthermore, she argues for the neutral formulation of quotas as a condition of minimal 40 % representation of each sex. Finally, she stands for inner political party quota instead of directive from above.
3
Content available remote

Aktivní občanství a spokojenost s demokracií v Evropě

100%
Vlachova K., Lebeda T.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
|
2006
|
vol. 42
|
issue 1
11-34
EN
In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.
4
Content available remote

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE PROCESS OF COMMUNITY PLANNING OF SOCIAL SERVICES IN ADDRESSING THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION AT THE LOCAL LEVEL

100%
Havlikova J., Hubikova O.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2007
|
vol. 39
|
issue 1
5-28
EN
The article aims to encourage broader recognition of the inclusive potential of community planning in the social services (CPSS), which is currently becoming a focal point for an ever increasing number of the councils and municipalities in the Czech Republic. The prime goal of this process is to tailor the supply, the demand and the quality of the social services to suit the given locality. The theoretical reflection on CPSS suggests, however, that in connection with the social exclusion it is desirable to accentuate the very process of CPSS. We shall first outline the concept of the social exclusion as applied in this study, and the main features of the process of CPSS. We shall then discuss, at the theoretical level, the possible benefits of the process of CPSS for eliminating social exclusion. It appears that this process creates the institutional space for a direct and equal political participation of the citizens in the life of the community. It can thus contribute to alleviating social exclusion of the local inhabitants at least in three ways: (1) by encouraging interpersonal integration, (2) by facilitating advancement of the community's social capital, (3) and by producing such a design of the local social services that meets the needs of the users and promotes full realization of their citizenship rights. The analysis presented in the concluding part builds on data obtained from a case study of a municipality with several years' experience of CPSS. We discuss the stumbling blocks to fully utilizing the inclusive potential of CPSS, and the consequences of a failure to utilize this potential for a selected group of the inhabitants who are at risk of the social exclusion or already affected by it - specifically, mothers with children who found themselves in an unfavorable situation and sought accommodation in a shelter.
5
Content available remote

POWER AND INFLUENCE-BASED POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES

88%
Makarovič M., Rek M.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2014
|
vol. 46
|
issue 6
686 – 705
EN
In this article, we analyse issues related to political participation from the perspective of sociological theory. The key argument is based on a theoretical framework distinguishing clearly between power and influence. We employ Talcott Parsons' theory of steering media and use it as a base on which to build a classification of forms of political participation. We show that with the development of a society, power-based political participation is not being replaced by influence-based political participation. Instead, in developed societies, the number of active citizens increases, and they tend to use more of both power-based and influence-based forms of political participation. Based on our classification of the forms of political participation, we examine a set of quantitative indicators using a hierarchical cluster analysis in order to explore differences and similarities among EU members as regards the use of power or influence-based forms of political participation.
6
Content available remote

EVROPSKÁ OBČANSKÁ INICIATIVA JAKO NÁSTROJ ROZVOJE OBČANSKO-POLITICKÉ PARTICIPACE POHLEDEM KONCEPTU STRUKTURY POLITICKÝCH PŘÍLEŽITOSTÍ

88%
Novotný L., Maškarinec P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2017
|
vol. 49
|
issue 1
81 – 108
EN
The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) is the institutional innovations that have sought to enhance the participatory nature of EU politics. This paper demonstrates that the current form of ECI is not a tool for active participation of citizens in shaping of the European politics. On the contrary, the practice of the ECI is totally at odds with the reasons why this tool was anchored in the Lisbon Treaty. Similarly, a high number of rejected registrations suggests, that the Commission itself sees that it is unable to solve the problem, or it is not willing to agree to enforce fundamental changes. Actually, there were registered only those initiatives that was focused on particulars. Thus, although the dynamic multilevel model of political opportunity structure might suggest that the ECI institutional settings is an example of an open international (European) political opportunity structure, our analysis showed, that, in practice, this is markedly closed political opportunity structure, mainly due to the influence of the Commission. Significant decrease of submitted ECI, after three years since the introduction of this institute, confirms that the initial euphoria of the involvement of citizens to the decision-making mechanisms of the EU does not take place, and instead of strengthening democratization and the creation of a common European political space, the ECI may act more in the direction of further deepening of the democratic deficit and alienating European citizens from the idea of a common Europe.
7
Content available remote

Politická participace a její determinanty v postkomunistických zemích

88%
Vrablikova K.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
|
2009
|
vol. 45
|
issue 5
867-898
EN
The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation - protest activity and contacting - are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.
8

VÝVOJ PARTICIPATÍVNEJ DEMOKRACIE: KOMUNITNÉ ORGANIZOVANIE V POSTKOMUNISTICKOM KONTEXTE

88%
Mezeiová G., Maldini P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2016
|
vol. 9
|
issue 1
16 – 30
EN
The article deals with the concept of community organizing. First, the concept is explained from the theoretical point of view, in terms of political (civil) participation as a key prerequisite of substantive democracy and in context of its crisis, both in old democracies and post-communist societies. Later, it is considered as practice in its birthplace, in the American context, where community organizing is remarkably popular and effective. Subsequently, the article is focusing on research the possibility of using this concept in post-communist context, especially in the Slovak society. It shows that the lack of structural base (vibrant civil society in particular) and political legacy of authoritarianism are the main inhibitory factors in the development of civic political culture, which is the key sociocultural prerequisite of political participation, and consequently of community organizing.
9
Content available remote

THE INEQUALITY OF PARTICIPATION: RE-EXAMINING THE ROLE OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POST-COMMUNISM ON POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN EUROPE

88%
Smith M. L.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
|
2009
|
vol. 45
|
issue 3
487-518
EN
This article compares the determinants of political participation, from voting and signing petitions to boycotting, across 23 European countries, posing the question whether and to what degree social inequalities in political participation differ between post-communist and Western countries. The data for the analysis is from the second round of the ESS survey, conducted in 2004-2005. The analysis focuses on the role of education, occupation, and gender in shaping the chances of engaging in political action, while also controlling for a range of sociological, political, and demographic variables. Interaction effects between individual variables and a post-communist dummy variable are used to directly compare the statistical significance of the difference in coefficients between post-communist and Western countries. The article finds that the observed effects of the post-communist context are actually accounted for by the indirect effects of a number of individual-level variables. In particular, education, occupation, and gender have stronger effects in post-communist countries than Western countries on many forms of political participation; in other words, the post-communist countries exhibit somewhat larger inequalities in political participation than in the West.
10

THE PATTERNS OF COMMUNICATION BETWEEN LOCAL AUTHORITIES AND CITIZENS VIA THE INTERNET

88%
Przybylska A.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2007
|
issue 3(186)
85-114
EN
Reliable information and two-way communication are crucial for building democracy from the bottom-up. As the Internet access expands and municipal websites proliferate, more attention is given to the scale and scope of actual use of this new medium for communication by local authorities and citizens. In the article it is considered whether the Internet is used firstly, to create more openness in politics, secondly, to involve members of local communities in the political agenda setting as well as discussions on specific local policy issues. The afore-mentioned problems are examined in reference to the results of research conducted in four local communities. The research included analysis of the functionality of municipal websites, in-depth interviews and a survey. There are undisputable advantages of the municipal websites ranging from the availability of first-hand information to convenient methods of informing authorities about issues of concern to the public. However, authorities are rather hesitant to allow free two-way flow of information. Moreover, the opportunity for citizens to be consulted is still underdeveloped irrespective of the interactive tools available. Finally, even the high level of satisfaction with the information received coupled with peoples' trust in government, does not influence their very moderate feeling of political empowerment.
11

When Age Matters: Patterns of Participative and Communicative Practices in the Czech Republic

75%
Macková A., Macháčková H., Macek J., Šerek J.
Communication Today
|
2016
|
vol. 7
|
issue 2
46–65
EN
After a long history, research on the relation between participative and communicative practices was revived in the late 1990s because of the proliferation of new media. New studies have taken into account both online and offline participation and the ability of new media to provide citizens with easier access to information and a broader repertoire of actions. In this article, which is based on a representative survey of the adult Czech population and a survey of Czech adolescents, we address participative and communicative practices as intertwined sets that are typically preferred by certain groups of citizens. As media-related and political practices usually vary due to generational and historical experience, the aim is to discover whether people with similar generational backgrounds and with similar repertoires of action manifest similar sets of communication practices, i.e. similar media ensembles. Hence, we build this study on the assumption that the political- and media-related agencies are structured by historical experience as well as by biographical experience linked with life-cycle phases. Using cluster analysis, we focus on the various participative and communicative practices employed by three distinct adult generational groups and by contemporary adolescents, all of whom experienced the process of socialization in their own specific historical contexts.
12
Content available remote

POLITIKA V SUPERMARKETU: BOJKOTUJÍCÍ SPOTŘEBITELÉ JAKO AGENTI SOCIÁLNÍ ZMĚNY

75%
Nový M.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2015
|
vol. 47
|
issue 1
87 – 112
EN
At first glance, searching for why consumers abstain from certain products seems part of a research agenda that should primarily be elucidated by marketing literature. In fact, an individual's refusal to buy some goods used to be perceived as a matter of the marketplace, where the economic laws of supply and demand markedly predetermine a consumer's decision to purchase a product. However, in past decades, boycotts have been strongly interconnected with the concept of political participation, although the political nature of consumer behaviour often seems to be controversial. As some theorists of civic engagement have pointed out, in light of the incessant widening of the repertoire of participatory modes, studying political participation is not too far from “the theory of everything.” This article makes an effort to introduce boycotting as a relevant tool for influencing political affairs. It deals with the application of the approach developed by Sidney Verba and his colleagues that parsimoniously tells why some people are politically active while others are not. It asks whether their well-known Civic Voluntarism Model provides a suitable theoretical framework for explaining such a specific form of individual political action as boycotting in the 41 countries included in the fourth wave of the European Values Study (EVS). Due to the hierarchical data structure, multilevel models are employed to examine the effects of individual as well as contextual variables on the probability of a boycott.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.