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1

Instytucjonalizacja systemu partyjnego. Stan badań i perspektywy

100%
Żabka B.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
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2011
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vol. 12
48-64
EN
In a common perception Party System Institutionalization (PSI) is a long and multi-stage process. Being one of the main signatures of inter-party competition’s stability, it does not hold a significant place in the theory of party systems. This article is an attempt to analyse the most common conceptualizations of PSI and highlight the most significant problems of these propositions. The main finding of the article is the existence of a significant difficulty in selection of appropriate parameters. Moreover, PSI is most often being analysed in light of its requirements, being viewed as a process more than as a result. The most common approach in analyses is to show clear and measurable factors, rather than end results of the system and its later state.
2

STANISLAW WARSZYCKI AND HIS ROLE IN THE KING MICHAL KORYBUT WISNIOWIECKI'S PARTY (Rola Stanislawa Warszyckiego w stronnictwie krola Michala Korybuta Wisniowieckiego)

80%
Matyasik J.
Klio. Czasopismo poświęcone dziejom Polski i powszechnym
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2010
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issue 1(14)
83-108
EN
Despite the fact that the castellan of Cracow Stanislaw Warszycki held strong views, served as senator, lived in affluence, had considerable standing, and last but not least could influence state's policy, he usually did not take an active part in public life. The most active and busy period of castellan's political career coincided with Michal Korybut's governs. Beginning from the election he took sides with a new king because of ideological reasons and not private ones (i.e. his widespread connections with Wisniowiecki family, his fight against personal enemies in opposition). As a well-known supporter of Golden Liberty and an ardent opponent of Pro-French Party he easily found his place in rivalry between the noblemen and half-French magnates. He did not serve as one of king's confidantes; however he was his important supporter, as he could neutralize the influences of opposition in the Cracovian Voivodship. He took active part in propaganda campaigns of court party. He solicited for support of nobility for the court and was one of those who demonstrated public feelings, i.e. in 1670 he organized levy in mass, two years later he encouraged to found the confederacy of Golab. Despite the fact that he originated from the radical faction of king's party, he was realistic about the situation and advised to come to agreement with one of the most important malcontents - the hetman Jan Sobieski. In contrary to the majority of the magnates, who changed their minds depending on the current political situation, he was constant in his views as king's adherent, even if king's decisions were colliding with his opinions.
3

K NIEKTORÝM CHARAKTERISTICKÝM PRVKOM LEXIKY SOCIALISTICKÉHO JAZYKA – NA PRÍKLADOCH ZO SLOVENSKEJ STRANÍCKEJ TLAČE V ROKU 1968

70%
Molnárová P.
Motus in verbo: časopis mladej vedeckej generácie
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2019
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vol. 8
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issue 1
40 – 51
EN
The aim of the paper is to characterize some of the typical aspects that are present in the language of socialism in Czechoslovakia (1948 – 1989). The language used during this period is different with regard to present lexicology or stylistics. The main influential factor was the presence of the political/communist/socialist ideology in a press. In lexicon it may be seen in different forms such as repeating of words, changes in semantics, using and manipulating of positive and negative meaning of words, creating antonyms with political lexeme and so on. The issue was researched using editorials from political newspaper Pravda in 1968 and literature which is cited below the text. The language of socialism was different from the language in the press nowadays. Analysed linguistics aspects were gathered and used to present one of the ways how the political ideology of the communist party in Czechoslovakia manipulated the masses through the media. However, they represent just a small piece of socialist language which was a dynamic part in a development of society in this time period.
4
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Różne obszary dyskryminacji. czy można mówić o dyskryminacji osób niepełnosprawnych w przestrzeni politycznej na przykładzie polski?

70%
Zielińska S.
Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne
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2013
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vol. 22
215-229
EN
Human rights protection system defnes the rights of not only single individu- als, but whole groups of society. Te political space is a visible area that is not quite „free” from the manifestations of unequal treatment. Examples are, even minimal, noticeable on the political agenda and the electoral environment targeted at people with disabilities foundation program / election. It is worth considering the direction in which this phenomenon should evolve. Both the analyzed programs as well as slogans appearing before the actual announcement of the election campaign and the political debates arise the need for a slogan of the new legislation, or improvements of existing legislation. But it would be most efective work across party lines, the implementation of the multi-phase, regardless of the parliamentary majority and non-parliamentary party, environ- mental activities for people with disabilities.
5
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REGIONÁLNE ČRTY POLITICKEJ KULTÚRY A VOLEBNÉHO SPRÁVANIA OBČANOV UKRAJINY: REGIONALIZÁCIA ALEBO SEPARÁCIA?

70%
Kľučkovič A.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
15 – 19
EN
The article analysed distinctions of electoral behaviour among different regions of Ukraine. The election results in the period 1991 – 2012 made it possible to conclude that the fundamental importance of regional factors is present in the system of electoral preferences of citizens. The main reasons and factors of ideological differences among the regions are presented. Main attention is paid on the clarifying the regional polarity of political culture and electoral behaviour of citizens according to an axis “east – west”.
6
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НЕМЕЦКАЯ МОДЕЛЬ „ПАРТИЙНО-ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ“

70%
Kľučkovič A.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2015
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vol. 4
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issue 1
67 – 73
EN
In the article the critical analysis of the main aspects of the party-government interaction in the Federal Republic of Germany is carried out. There are historical, conceptual, constitutional and legal, practical and political, and others. The fundamental approaches in German state-legal and political thought about evaluation of modern party role in German political system are considered. The influence of political parties on the formation and functioning of the state system is highlighted. The article proves that the party influence on the higher bodies of state power is much more intensive than it is provided for in the legal regulations. The thesis is also concerned with the place of parties in ensuring the cooperation between the state and society in Germany. The author notes the deformation of parties’ democracy in Germany, close connection between political parties and the state, weakening status of the political parties as public representants.
7

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OFTHE MACROECONOMIC GOALS OF THE WINNING PARTIES IN POLAND OVER THE PERIOD 1997-2008 (Analiza porownawcza celow makroekonomicznych partii politycznych wygrywajacych wybory w latach 1997-2008)

70%
Targaszewska M.
Econometrics. Ekonometria. Advances in Applied Data Analytics
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2011
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issue 30 (Zastosowania metod ilościowych)
47-57
EN
The paper presents the results of comparative analysis of some macroeconomic goals (such as unemployment, national gross product, budget deficit, employment, salary and inflation). These objectives were included in pilot programs of winning parties in Poland over the period 1997-2008. A statistical method called Principle Components Analysis was applied in this research.
8

NÁRODNÁ RADA SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY V PARLAMENTNEJ FORME VLÁDY

61%
Nikodým D.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2015
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vol. 98
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issue 6
571 - 589
EN
The author refers to the development of the political scene since 1989 to these days. Regular rotation of coherent poliltical partes in theNational Council has not been apparent in individual electoral terms; many of them have even shown signs of fragmentation. In the current electoral term the left-wing party is homogenous, while the righ-wing parties are fragmented. The author refers to problems of the electoral sytem, which does not guarantee an adequate representation of candidates from different regions in the electorial district. He recommends considering the adoption of a mixed electoral system or the establishment of the second, regional chamber of parliament. He refers also to the functioning of the political system in democratic foreign countries, taking into account the classification of democratic regimes, which are applied in conditions of competitive democracy or its antipole - consociational democracy. Further, the author addresses the issue of weakness in the legal regulation of referendum in terms of its legal effects, participation of interst groups in the law-making and participation of citizens in elections and makes suggestions for treatment of de lege ferenda.
9

DEVELOPMENT OF AN AUTHORITARIAN REGIME IN ZIMBABWE FROM 1980 TO THE PRESENT DAY

61%
Hulec O.
Asian and African Studies
|
2019
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vol. 28
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issue 1
57 – 90
EN
Zimbabwe has been long a focus of study for historians, political researchers and economists due to its evolution from British colonial rule, building an Independent Republic and its disputatious “democracy”, “broken-democracy” or “authoritarianism”. Every decade during its sovereignty has been specific: from an initial quasi cooperation between black and white politicians until the end of the last century, to the racially and mainly economically motivated conflicts between members of the ruling party, white farmers and businessmen from the beginning of the new millennium. The one-party system predominated throughout the whole of its modern history – with the dominant autocratic ruler Robert Mugabe. The democratic opposition was always weak, with a short exception around the elections of 2008. And this is still the case today. What will happen to “democracy“ or “broken democracy” in Zimbabwe following this yearʼs parliamentary and presidential elections, which led to its old autocrat being ousted at the end of last year by a military coup and his long time accomplice Emmerson Mnangagwa being inaugurated as the new president?
10
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Politický styl Helmuta Kohla: příklad vnitrostranické diskuse o druhé verzi berlínského programu CDU z roku 1971

51%
Picka O.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
|
2011
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vol. 109
|
issue 4
685-715
EN
At the beginning of the 1970s Helmut Kohl was the leading personality in a new generation of CDU politicians born in the early 1930s, which ascended to the Party leadership after the CDU's defeat and its demotion to opposition in 1969. He was the new Prime Minister of the German Province of Rhineland-Palatinate and Deputy Chairman of the CDU. From the very beginning he anchored his career upon conflict with the Party elites from the CDU founder generation and his criticism of the under developed party structures. At the same time, although still a young man, he showed his talent for building up political alliances and establishing his own power base. Being the chairman of the party's Policy Commission was the chance for him as a provincial politician to appeal to a broader membership and thus strengthen his position in his fight for the CDU's chairmanship. By initiating and formulating a progressive programme he was in a position to greatly assist in the modernization of the CDU, which was, after all, his long-term aim and to present himself as a reformist. Yet, at the same time he was wary of damaging his links with the more conservative elements in the CDU. His Commission presented a very liberal proposal. However, it is not possible to name Kohl as its author as he had never been deeply interested in policy issues; he always tended to influence political events on a general level. Nevertheless, Kohl facilitated the elaboration of this text by surrounding himself with a number of younger reform-minded politicians and by giving them a space to do so. Yet, when it became clear that such a programme was unacceptable to traditionalists, he distanced himself from the proposal and was willing to accept its dilution. The implementation of concrete policy points was not worth the undermining of his own position of power.
11

Ewolucja systemu partyjnego Republiki Mołdawii w latach 1992–2010

51%
Kotulewicz K.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
5-23
EN
The article presents basic information on the party system of the Republic of Moldova and outlines the main features of that system by providing the constitutional and legal basis for the activities of political parties, the regulation of the electoral system, and presenting the elements affecting its development in light of the results of parliamentary elections in the past two decades. Moldova is a multi-party system currently consisting of 31 political parties, from which only the large ones hold a realistic chance of victory in parliamentary elections. This has an impact on the existing proportional electoral system. Frequent changes to both the size of the election threshold and electoral geography are important aspects of the development of the party system in Moldova.
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