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EN
This article makes a plea for a more explicitly intentional and political-strategic analysis of post-communist public policy pathways. The author analyses a set of social and labour-market policies implemented in the Czech Republic (pro-active job loss prevention) compared to Hungary and Poland (large-scale non-elderly retirement), and indicates why, far from being fully constrained by structural or external variables or by international pressures, political elites were able to design policy packages that served to reduce anti-reform protests. Once enacted at a formative historical turning point, these early policies fundamentally reshaped the subsequent operational space of post-communist politics throughout the 1990s. They crystallised the distinct pathways of post-communist welfare regimes, and they enabled early, and irreversible, democratic and market reform progress. While seemingly inefficient, and definitely costly in public-finance terms, these policy packages contained a degree of political rationality, as they contributed to the making of the great Czech, Hungarian, and Polish transition success stories, in an otherwise highly heterogeneous population of post-communist transition cases.
EN
The phenomenon of agrarianism extends over a whole range of positions and expressions from a purely emotional relationship to the land, through the relationships of various social groups to the land as a productive resource, up to a political ideology. The study is directed towards seeking the moment of rebirth of agrarianism as a political strategy, and identifying the three factors (political, economic and national), which changed the ideal of the relationship to the native soil into the strategy of a specific political group on the way to political and economic power. The conclusion of the study considers the results of this transformation not only in party politics, but above all in the actual concept of agrarianism as age-old love of the “native soil”.
EN
Two relevant political groups appeared due to the political strategy in the second half of the 19th century: The Old School and The New School. The liberally oriented New School without any historical prejudices was prone to cooperation with aristocracy and gentry, but also with Hungarian radical Left. The New School's nation-building project underlined the importance of gradually and actively formation of national identity, as well as the ideas of national diversity, civil tolerance and public discussion. The new strategy of the New School was based on a systematic enforcement of education, civil liberty, equality and tolerance, drawing from the political ideas of Ch. Montesquieu.
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