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1

Styles of Political Thought and Operation: Historical Perspective and the Challenges of the Contemporary World

100%

Mocek S.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2004

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issue 16

255-290

EN

The article is devoted to the rivalry in Polish history during previous centuries between two differing styles of political thought: the independence and insurrection school of thought and the political realism school of thought which pursues politics on the basis of calculation, intellect and reason. Analysis of these phenomena is carried out on three levels which illustrate the interaction of these two types of thought and political action: (1) the historical level, from the loss of independence to the instigation of the communist system; (2) the constitutional level of the People's Republic of Poland's (PRL) period, mainly with reference to democratic opposition action; (3) the level of the transformation of the political system in 1989. During the course of the article, the author attempts to answer the following questions: Does the rivalry between the two schools of thought with regard to politics (the romantic and patriotic tradition which approves the meaning of symbolic values on the one hand and, on the other hand, the pragmatic tradition which refers to factual and rational actions) have any relevance at the beginning of the 21st century? And if so, what form does this rivalry take and how does it evolve so as to meet present day civilized requirements while remaining faithful to national tradition?

2

THE POLITICAL THINKING OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD (Mysl polityczna Bractwa Muzulmanskiego)

80%

Jamsheer H. A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2009

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issue 23

265-282

EN

The 19th century and the first half of the 20th century was a period of development for modern Arab political thinking. For some time after the end of World War II, what dominated several Arab countries was a doctrine of socio-political Arab socialism which was to have a significant impact on the adoption of a radical and populist socio-economic programme. A rival trend to this ideology was the trend dubbed Muslim fundamentalism, postulating a return to the very roots of Islam, as represented by the organisation known as 'al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin'; the Muslim Brotherhood. Established in Egypt at the end of the 1920s, it was led first by Hasana al-Banna (1906-1949), and then Sajjid Qutub (1906-1966). In the face of severe repressive measures against its members and supporters, the Brotherhood gave rise, for the first time in Arab political thinking, to questions regarding the nature of the Islamic society and the Islamic nation, the umma. After all, the organisation's members were persecuted by the very authorities who enjoyed the wide support of the citizenship. The negative aspect of umma inclined the persecuted toward raising the issue of an 'unbelieving' society (takfir) and the return of decadence (jahiliyyah). This issue was addressed by Abu al-A'ala al-Maududi (1903-1979) and his concept of the 'unbelieving' society and its 'jahiliyyah' have been adopted by Islamists. By the same token, conditions have emerged for forming, around the new leadership, a radical direction in Arab-Islamic political thinking, i.e. one oriented toward an 'utter dissociation from reality'.

3

RANÉ OBDOBIE POLITICKÉHO MYSLENIA ANDREJA SIRÁCKEHO – VSTUP DO PROBLEMATIKY

80%

Sivičeková J.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2014

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vol. 7

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issue 2

35 – 50

EN

Andrej Sirácky belongs to the generation of pioneers in marxistic-leninistic ideology in Slovakia. Contribution is analysing the first period of his political thinking, which we are limiting by years 1900 to 1948. By the comparison of the individual theoretical and literary works we are watching the ideological continuity of his political thinking with the view to period environment of the first Czechoslovak Republic and also Kingdom of Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia. The paper is bringing up the analysis of early period of political thinking of Andrej Sirácky with the intention to use knowledge to comparison with the presented attitudes of Andrej Sirácky in the period after the 1948, when in Czechoslovakia´s society a systematic ideologisation started after a socialistic regime was established and Andrej Sirácky was on important posts within Slovak Academy of Sciences, Comenius University and in Communist Party of Slovakia too.

4

POLISH DEMOCRATIC THOUGHT IN THE YEARS 1831-1848 - AN OUTLINE OF THE ISSUE

80%

Sowinski A.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2005

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vol. 49

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issue 6(393)

79-89

EN

The author attempts to depict the main issues of Polish democratic thought. As he points out, the crucial task for Polish democrats was introduction of social democracy. They supported the idea even if they had to give up introduction of political democracy. In their view, the 19th century societies were disintegrated and had to be integrated again. They wondered what kind of social relations should bond the members of the new community – the nation. Some of them considered religious bonds as prevailing, others pointed to cultural bonds, whereas still others advocated political ones. They viewed the modern nation as a political, culturally homogeneous, egalitarian community which has its own state. They were afraid that significant groups of the previous Polish Republic citizens may integrate with national communities of the former occupants, which is why they were anxious to rebuild the Polish state together with its modern Polish nation.

5

The Old Polish Conception of Freedom and Its Evolution in the Political Thought of the Eighteenth Century

80%

Grzeskowiak-Krwawicz A.

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2006

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vol. 113

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issue 1

57-84

EN

The liberty of the gentry has been identified with a set of estate privileges although it also comprised a wider vision of liberty to which the Polish gentry referred already since the sixteenth century. This republican conception rendered civic liberties dependent on participation in governance. Only people who decided about themselves could be certain of individual rights. In accordance with contemporary terminology only positive liberty guaranteed its negative variant - an unhampered realisation of the individual's targets and wishes. Republican thought carried certain threats - the absence of a distinct division of individual liberties and the right to take part in political life obliterated the boundaries between the freedom of the individual and the community, between public and private good. Free participation in public life was no longer interpreted as the right to decide about oneself and the protection of the free state, but exclusively as the protection of the freedom of individual citizens. Such an interpretation was suited to the idea of the liberum veto conceived as individual protest against the decisions passed by Parliament. In the second half of the eighteenth century such authors as Józef Wybicki, Antoni Poplawski and, later on, Hugo Kollataj embarked upon a polemic with this comprehension of liberty. By referring to Western conceptions they began to distinguish between two levels of political freedom: political liberty, which denoted participation in governance, and civil freedom, which allowed the citizen to enjoy his property and commit deeds not prohibited by the law. This distinction made it feasible to separate the individual liberties of the individual perceived as a man, and his political rights/liberties as a citizen, as well as to include the question of the freedom of other estates into political reflections. Considerable importance was attached also to the reception of the theory of freedom as a law of nature, in which liberty was no longer a privilege of the citizen-member of the gentry, but the natural right of every man and thus also the peasant-serf. This notion was inserted into the old vision of republican freedom which, albeit modernised and adapted to new circumstances, survived to the end of the First Republic.

6

Obraz převráceného světa. K úvahám Petra Chelčického o společnosti

51%

Boubín J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2010

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vol. 108

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issue 4

593-614

EN

The article is devoted to social concepts of the Hussite thinker Peter Chelcicky (b. around 1380 – d. before 1460). The main attention is focused on his image of a world turned upside down, in which falsehood dominates the truth and nearly everything is the reverse of what it seems to be. Although the fundamental features of this concept were commonly present in medieval thinking, Chelcicky did expand them greatly and they became the starting point of his revolutionary sociological thoughts and his devastating critique of society. This study also deals with the issue of how his notion of a world turned upside down influenced the language and vocabulary of Chelcicky’s writings.

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