Search results - CEJSH

1

KOMPROMIS POLITYCZNY, KOMPROMIS MORALNY

100%

Kieniewiecz P.

Roczniki Teologii Moralnej

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2009

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vol. 1(56)

203-211

EN

It is not always clear, whether political concession is or is not a moral compromise in the same time. As long as finding the middle ground does not concerns sensitive matters, there seems to be no problem. When it is in connection to human life and dignity - the problem strikes with full force. Dr. P. H. Kieniewicz discusses the problem of political concession and the risk of moral compromise when sensitive matters - like in vitro fertilization - are to be legislated and moral clarity is to be expected from the people of right conscience. In his opinion such a distinction is possible, in accordance to EV 73.

2

EMIGRATION AS A DISCOURSE (Emigracja jako dyskurs)

80%

Habielski R.

Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny

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2010

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vol. 36

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issue 2(136)

11-21

EN

Discourse, understood in its broadest meaning determines the sense of political emigration. It explains the genesis of political emigration, defines its identity, sets objectives, defines its axiology. Polish political emigration after World War II has made debate an important attribute of its activity. Applying this instrument, it referred to the past and analyzed the present. The considerations of this article are not a review of the most important debates that were run outside the country in the postwar period, although many of them have been cited. The author's aim was rather to draw attention to the importance of the phenomenon. Discourse can be seen as having value in itself, that is, to reconstruct, explore, as well as being the subject of analysis. It can, however, be understood differently, as material that can be used for a far deeper description of the activities carried out outside the country than a study on political thought, collective behavior or the attitudes of an individual.

3

Polityka w pięciu odsłonach: metatypologia zjawiska

80%

Czajowski A.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 12

5-25

EN

The notions of “politics” and “political character” are more intuitive than scientific. They make difficult any distinguishing what is general, universal or political. They have a lot of logical mistakes in the definitions of political phenomena and also of typological shortages of such behaviors, like the political ones. The researchers try to classify a variety of concepts of politics. These categorizations capture the politics as it is commonly seen. For these reasons, they are insufficient. We need a comprehensive typology, capable of introducing the discipline, more precision as to the classification criteria, without demonstrating what the politics is. Taking into account my previous remarks, I propose the following approaches to this phenomenon: 1. common; 2. material and ideological-doctrinaire; 3. theoretical; 4. methodological; 5. sectional. Only within such general types, one might classify the politics according to its constituent characteristics and its different understandings.

4

ŽURNALISTIKA – PUBLICISTIKA – POLITIKA – MÉDIÁ: DOTYKY A PRIENIKY

80%

Barnová K.

Motus in verbo: časopis mladej vedeckej generácie

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 1

17 – 23

EN

The article is focused on explanation of Slovak terms “journalism” and “publicistics“ and points out the diverse understanding of these terms from different conceptual theories – theories of journalism (or media theory) and theories of stylistics. The article is focused on the journalism – politics – media relationship and their interconnections. Journalism, that brings new information about political life and political events every day, is determined by political environment. The relationship between journalism, media and politics is interconnected – journalists and media need politicians as an important source of information. Politicians consider journalists and media as an important way of communication with public and as a “key players” of public opinion shaping.

5

GERMAN-AMERICAN RADICALS, ANTEBELLUM POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL WAR

80%

Keil H.

Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny

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2014

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vol. 40

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issue 1 (151)

57-70

EN

Immigration from German-speaking countries to the United States rose dramatically after the mid-1840s, especially after the failed revolution of 1848-49. By the outbreak of the Civil War close to one million Germans had settled especially in Midwestern territories and states. The group contributed increasingly to the numbers of eligible voters, since Midwestern states, hoping to attract new settlers, liberalized their naturalization laws which allowed immigrants to vote even after receiving their “first papers,” i.e. after applying for naturalization as early as twelve months after their arrival in the new country. The votes of both groups were increasingly sought by the political parties. While the immigrant vote overwhelmingly favored the Democratic Party, because it offered protection and patronage in the face of nativist sentiments, the new Republican Party also made inroads into the German vote. The article points to the reasons for involvement of German radicals in antebellum politics and immigrants’ activity in the Republican Party despite apparent ideological and generational differences. The issue that helped unite liberals, radicals, and workers in this decade, was slavery and the fight for the abolition of this institution: whether in the media, or the political, and later, the military battleground.

6

KIERKEGAARDOVA APOLITICKÁ POLITIKA ANEB JAK ODEVZDAT CÍSAŘOVO CÍSAŘOVI A BOŽÍ BOHU

80%

Marek J.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

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2016

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vol. 71

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issue 4

270 – 281

EN

This paper deals with S. Kierkegaard as a political thinker from a viewpoint of consistency of his literary corpus. In the first section it analyses the main aspects of the contemporary interest in Kierkegaard’s political philosophy and suggests that such interest might result in inappropriate expectations and interpretations. The second section deals with Kierkegaard’s authorship and offers a short overview of the works directly proving Kierkegaard’s continuous interest in politics. The third and fourth sections examine Kierkegaard’s criticism of politics and his main argument claiming that the plurality of qualitatively different spheres is being dissolved in the melting pot of politics. Kierkegaard’s rebuff of politics is to be read as a defence of the single individual and of the absolute relation to the absolute. Lastly, in the fifth section, the paper provides an interpretation of several controversial journal entries by Kierkegaard where he maintains that Christian existence is to be indifferent to the political and should not get involved in attempts at changing the world. Against some interprets who tried to mitigate the severity of such utterances, we argue that Kierkegaard understood Christianity as necessarily presupposing hardship and obstacles, whereas the over-amplified facility and ease of life leads to spiritlessness. This, as the paper suggests, is the reason why Kierkegaard refused to present positive political solutions to the socio-political problems of his time.

7

Nad knihou Jazyk, média, politika

80%

Danes F.

Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)

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2004

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vol. 65

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issue 4

270-286

EN

Two groups of Czech and Slovak linguists collected extensive linguistic material comprising video recordings of parliamentary sessions broadcasted on television, audio recordings of radio debates, video recordings of television interviews and discussion programs, and political advertising material from television and radio. This material was stored in archives (corpora), with the relevant parts of it transcribed, entered into special databases, analysed and evaluated. The book under review is theoretically and methodically well-founded in its evaluative analyses of three typical examples of Czech mass-media political debates and two contributions characterizing political communication in the Slovak media. These content analyses are supplemented by an introductory chapter on polemical features in political discourses. The reviewer, after having critically examined and commented on the individual chapters of the book (adding several personal observations on the issue), concludes that the work is a significant and praiseworthy achievement, successfully highlighting the present state of Czech and Slovak text linguistics, esp. dialogue studies, through both subject relevance and high scientific standard.

8

Počátky exilové politiky Československé strany lidové. Adolf Procházka, Adolf Klimek a boj o Šrámkovo nástupnictví (1948-1953)

80%

Suchanek D.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2007

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vol. 14

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issue 4

651-681

EN

This article traces the process of the organization of the Czechoslovak People's Party and its programme in the first six years in exile. It focuses on the power struggle and general relations among its leading figures and interest groups. The author points out that the victory of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CPCz) in February 1948 meant a turning point for the People's Party. Robbed of the opportunity to carry out its policy freely it henceforth worked in the country under a new leadership within the 'revived' National Front as a satellite of the Communists. At the same time, however, a number of its members gradually joined in the resistance to the dictatorship, which often resulted in harsh repressive measures against them and the Party, and many of its pre-takeover functionaries and members left for the West. Similarly to the leaders and members of other democratic parties in exile, they built up a new party structure and tried to maintain continuity in their institutions and programme. These efforts were from the start, however, accompanied by internal disputes and competition amongst the individual would-be leaders. The intensity and persistence of the disputes were, argues the author, due to the fact that the People's Party, unlike the other emigre parties, was without its chairman and leading party authority, Msgr Jan Sramek (1870-1956), who had been arrested while trying to escape Czechoslovakia. The People's Party in exile soon began to split in two: on the one hand, the uncompromisingly anti-Communist right-wing critics of the idea of the National Front gradually created their own party platform; on the other, within the People's Party in exile there was a struggle over the orientation of the programme, the leadership, and the senior members, which took place among factions around the general secretary of the party, Adolf Klimek (1895-1990), and the former minister of health, Adolf Prochazka (1900-1970). The author discusses mainly the twists and turns of this conflict. Whereas Klimek represented the more traditional Christian-Socialist line in the spirit of Sramek, the intellectual Prochazka was inclined to modernize the party in the direction of the Christian Democrats. The balance of power between the two factions changed, but neither one gained the upper hand. The author argues that this situation very nearly paralyzed the People's Party. It caused a great exodus of rank and file members, weakened the party's position in the non-partisan emigre institutions (like the Council of Free Czechoslovakia) and made it impossible to push through the priorities of its Christian political programme. Towards the end of the article, the author endeavours to look behind the 'curtain of personal relations,' focusing on 1945-48 in order to elucidate the positions, alliances, and rivalries amongst the important political figures of the Czechoslovak People's Party, which clearly continued in exile.

9

Proč česká vláda potřebuje genderový audit?

80%

Hendlova T.

Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)

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2008

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vol. 9

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issue 1

8-15

EN

The Czech government is obliged to guarantee equality for men and women. Despite that, it recognizes this duty only in theory; in practice it contravenes the principles of this formal agreement. The government's programme, politics, legislation, and state budget and governmental structures are marked by a lack of gender equity and the failure to promote women's rights. The hidden structural mechanisms causing gender discrimination can be analyzed by means of a gender audit of the government. This is an effective tool for defining the most critical areas of state politics, and it creates a relevant strategy for challenging negative effects. In doing so, a gender audit of the government can also be a rich source of public education and can help to promote public and political discussion on the topic of gender issues. In this article, the authoress argues in favour of carrying out a gender audit of the Czech government and its politics. She explains how certain areas of politics affect men and women differently, and how their gender correct transformation can positively contribute to democratic and just governance.

10

POLITICI A POLITICKÁ HISTÓRIA

80%

Kmeť N.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2011

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vol. 59

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issue 4

639 – 652

EN

Political history has been frequently used by politicians in the political sphere since 1989. This is not only connected with the winning support for political parties, but also with coming to terms with history. The politicians express their views on political history without regard for their knowledge of particular events, and they appeal to historical facts to justify political demands. They regard it as a “soft way” of achieving specific political aims.

11

O VOLEBNÍM INŽENÝRSTVÍ NA SLOVENSKU OD ROKU 1989

80%

Charvát J.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2018

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vol. 7

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issue 1

5 – 14

EN

The paper analyses the politics of electoral reform since 1989 in Slovakia as it follows the earlier paper of Michal Drengubiak (2017) in order to advance some of its conclusions. After a brief theoretical introduction of the investigated issue the paper focuses on four electoral-reform processes in Slovakia, namely electoral reforms of 1990, 1992, 1998 and 1999. The main findings of the paper are that the 1990 electoral reform was an elite-dominated process, that the 1998 electoral reform is an example of a specific case regarding the Micro-mega rule of Josep Colomer, and that there may be distinguished two waves of the politics of electoral reform in Slovakia (transitional and post-transitional) which differs mainly in strategies opted by political actors to maximize their parliamentary seat shares.

12

POST-TRUTH FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF HANNAH ARENDTʼS POLITICAL THEORY

80%

Sepczyńska D.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

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2019

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vol. 74

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issue 3

209 – 222

EN

This paper constitutes an attempt at analysing the phenomenon of post-truth from the perspective of the political thought of Hannah Arendt. It discusses the hypothesis: the problem of post-truth in politics had been described by Arendt before the term “post-truth” appeared. The applied methodology consists of the analysis of source texts inspired by hermeneutics, history of ideas and Arendtian narrative on politics.

13

Kierunki polityki społecznej odpowiedzialności w małych i średnich przedsiębiorstwach

80%

Stawicka E.

Zarządzanie i Finanse

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2012

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vol. 1

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issue 3

153-162

EN

The article aims to prove that proper relations with company employees are crucial from the point of view of corporate social responsibility. The employee is defined very broadly and considered the main “contractor” of the company. Building proper relations with employees is a clear indicator of the extent to which the company identifies with the values of corporate social responsibility and whether they are ready to apply it in business activity practice.

14

VYSOKÁ ŠKOLA POLITICKÁ ÚV KSČ

80%

Dinuš P.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2008

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vol. 1

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issue 2

14 – 32

EN

Following the takeover of power in February of 1948, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia made efforts to streamline the system of its party and political education. Their ambition was to bring this system to a qualitatively higher level by offering political education of members of the CPCz through short-term courses organized by the party-political school of a college type. The institute was to provide activists of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and members of the Party elite with university education equivalent to that provided by state universities and colleges. This effort resulted in the establishment of the Political Institute of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which developed its activity in the period of 1953-1990. The Political Institute of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (PI CC CPCz) was under the supervision of the CC CPCz in terms of content, personnel and economic management. From 1970, the institute’s position was that of a department of the CC CPCz. Initially, the institute was unable to provide education equivalent to state universities and colleges, even though it made every effort to that effect throughout the 1950. The problem was not so much that of the form (the structure of the institute and the education system) as that of the content, that is, the standard of the presented material. Some of the disciplines did meet academic criteria, but not until the 1960s. These were particularly humanities – Czechoslovak history and general history, the history of political theories, political science, social science, management theory to name a few. In the period of normalisation (after 1970) the element of learning by rote prevailed over the congitive element due to a stereotyped approach to the objectives of the educational process.

15

HISTORY, FREEDOM, POLITICS, THE IDEA OF THE ANCIENT GREEK IN GEORG LUKACS AND HANNAH ARENDT (Tortenelem, szabadsag, politika. Lukacs Gyorgy es Hannah Arendt gorogsegkepe)

80%

Budai G.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2009

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vol. 27

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issue 1

19-25

EN

In this essay the author attempts to sketch a comparative analysis of the imagination of the ancient Greek worldview in two of the greatest twentieth century thinkers, Georg Lukacs and Hannah Arendt. Actually, Lukacs in his 'The Theory of the Novel' (written during World War I) as well as Arendt in her 'The Human Condition' (inspired by the historical experience of the totalitarian systems in the late fifties) aimed at grasping the essence of modernity. Both of them found freedom as a crucial point in relation to which one can aptly define modernity. However, from this common starting-point their line of thinking went on in a basically different way.

16

Demiurgiczna i polityczna techne w Platońskim Protagorasie

80%

Wollner U.

Lectiones & Acroases Philosophicae

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2011

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vol. 4

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issue 1

223-247

EN

The aim of the paper is to analyse the Great Speech which is part of the dialogue Protagoras, principally the problem of dēmiourgikē technē and politikē technē. The existence of some other technai is researched as well as their relationship, their significance and objective. The questions are investigated: Is the virtue part of human nature or not? Can we find such technē that is able to make people good at deliberation and at capability to master one`s own life as well as other people’s life?

17

'Methodenstreit', subject, phronesis. Interpretation of the opposition 'humanitites vs. science' and its effect on understanding ethics, politics and the subject

80%

Nowak A. W.

Teksty Drugie (Second Texts)

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2006

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issue 6(102)

137-146

EN

The author attempts at analyzing the question of subjectivity in the context of broadly defined epistemology and methodology of humanities and science. Employing theories of I. Wallerstein and B. Latour, the athor discusses transformations in understanding and interpreting the concept of the subject.

18

Bóg wysoko, car daleko. Kilka uwag o kulturowych podstawach funkcjonowania frazeologizmu w języku bułgarskim

80%

Bonowa S.

Etnolingwistyka. Problemy Języka i Kultury

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2004

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vol. 16

305-313

PL

W artykule jest analizowana semantyka i podstawy funkcjonowania w kulturze bułgarskiej frazeologizmu Bóg wysoko, car daleko. Autorka zwraca szczególną uwagę na drugą część frazemu, ponieważ w kulturze bułgarskiej – jak we wszystkich kulturach chrześcijańskich – utożsamienie Boga z Dobrem jest oczywiste, natomiast utożsamienie cara z Dobrem może wydawać się nieuzasadnione. Autorka analizuje sześć modeli semantycznych tego frazemu w czterech kontekstach historyczno-kulturowych: (1) Car daleko a realna instytucja carska; (2) Car daleko a relacja Bóg – car; (3) Car daleko a obraz cara w kulturze ludowej; (4) Car daleko a postacie historii bułgarskiej. Na zakończenie przytoczone zostają przykłady współczesnej politycznej aktualizacji frazeologizmu, związane z powrotem z emigracji cara Symeona i pełnieniem przez niego funkcji premiera bułgarskiego rządu.

EN

The article deals with the semantics and the cultural background of the Bulgarian phraseological unit 'God is high, the tsar is far away'. Special attention is paid to its second part because in Bulgarian culture, similarly to all Christian cultures, the identification of God with Goodness is rather obvious, but that of the tsar with goodness may seem unjustified. An analysis is carried out of six semantic models of the phraseological unit in four historical-cultural contexts: (1) the tsar is far away vs. the actual institution of the tsar; (2) the tsar is far away vs. the relationship between God and the tsar; (3) the tsar is far away vs. the image of the tsar in folk culture; (4) the tsar is far away vs. Bulgarian historical figures. The article concludes with examples of contemporary political realization of the unit, connected with the return of tsar Symeon from abroad and his position as the prime minister in the Bulgarian government.

19

Velmocenské záměry carského Ruska v předvečer „Velké války“ (leden – červen 1914)

80%

Proks P.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2009

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vol. 95

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issue 1

1-18

EN

Before the outbreak of World War I, international tension escalated and distrust between European powers, which were divided into two antagonist formations, increased. Great Britain, France and Russia formed the Entente Powers, while Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy formed the Central Powers. The Ottoman Empire stayed somewhat isolated; both powers waged a secret persistent war over the empire, which Turkey skilfully turned into its advantage. The tsarist Russia observed Turkey's advance with traditional distrust, because it did not give up its strategic scheme of extending its control over Germany in the Baltic nations, over Austria-Hungary on the west border, control of the Balkans and, subsequently, over Bosporus and Dardanelles, which would secure a free passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, the Middle East and Persia. A firm position in the west was to facilitate further expansion of Russia into Asia Minor as far as the British India and in Far East into China and Japan. The mutual distrust escalated in 1914 and some of the ruling circles in Vienna and St. Petersburg regarded war in Europe as the only way out of the growing crisis of international relationship and internal problems of both conservative royalistic powers. Their problems were caused by expansion of national, liberal democratic and revolutionary movements. Austria-Hungary and Russia both made efforts to prevent formation of a hostile bloc in the Balkans and a potential deceit by their current allies. By waging a war, they intended to put the other members of the Entete and Central Powers before an accomplished fact and subsequently prevent revolutionary changes in Europe.

20

Ruský gosudar a zlo v ruském politickém myšlení přelomu 15. a 16. století

80%

Bocek P.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2007

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vol. 32

199-210

EN

After the definitive overthrow of a Tartar yoke, the ruler ascending to the throne of will of the Mongolian khans was becoming a self-confident 'gosudar i samoderzavec vseja Ruskija zemli'. In conjunction with this transformation he was becoming responsible to the God for all his empire. Consequently, from the perspective of the earth-bound course of events, the 'gosudar i samoderzavec vseja Ruskija zemli' stood over the law and the way of interpreting and observing the commandment was up to him. The ruler himself was deciding what he will or will not consider being evil and what will be his contingent attitude towards it. The only lawful possibility to influence his acts is to draw the grand prince's attention to the danger that should be avoided in his acts and from which he should protect his liege people, to not to destroy himself and his empire. Josif Sanin chose this possibility. It was up to the grand price (since the 1547 the tsar) himself to decide how to dispose of a responsibility that Sanin and his successors put on his shoulders; he was also the one who made the decision if he would become a bearer of evil or if he would be able to protect his liege people.

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