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Elita polityczna wielkopolski w epoce stanisławowskiej

100%
Rocznik Lubuski
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2009
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vol. 35
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issue 1
69-84
EN
The paper, related to regional research, is devoted to the region of Greater Poland in the period of the reign of Stanislaw August Poniatowski and its political elite comprising high rank officials: bishops, voivodes, castellans and the general Starost. The presentation is based on biographical entries, lists of officials, parliamentary documents and diaries. Particular focus is put on the characteristic features of the elite which over the period of thirty years consisted of 52 persons some of whom occupied various positions on several occasions. The principle criteria conditioning nominations included local origin, which in turn assumed the need to possess property and family connections in Greater Poland. At the same time the material status of the elite was not as strong as was the case in the eastern borderland (Kresy). This was an element of the purposeful politics of Stanislaw August who wanted to equip the elite with the noble character and limit the traditional influence of the Magnates. Finally it has to be noticed that the elite was not homogenous internally as it comprised high officials (general starosts, voivodes, bishops and superior Castellans) but also inferior castellans who had no real opportunity of further promotion.
2
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Litwa w sarmackiej myśli historycznej doby oświecenia

80%
Rocznik Lubuski
|
2009
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vol. 35
|
issue 1
51-67
EN
The reform camp associated with Stanislaw August Poniatowski was aware that the introduction of reforms depends on the support of the gentry. The past was to function as the key to changes in the mentality, teach responsibility for national matters and show the directions of the transformations of the system. In this context the Polish - Lithuanian issue gained particular significance. The aim was to change the conservative perspective expressed by the conviction that the traditional social and political system of the way Poland was ruled, is perfect. The task was particularly difficult since in the Saxon period, preceding the reign of Stanislaw August Poniatowski, traditional values significantly gained in popularity. Numerous herbals, calendars or the lives of the saints were published. The ideas were strengthened by the historical perspective defending the status quo of the system based on the principles of the Golden Liberty. The studies of Augustyn Koludzki, Benedykt Chmielowski and Szymon Majchrowicz, written in line with the conservative convention in period of late Enlightment have to be assessed as the expression of the anachronic way of thinking about the past.
EN
Warsaw had the 'de non tolerandis Iudaeis privilege', meaning that Jews could only reside and engage in professional activities in Warsaw while the Sejm (parliament) was in session. The changes taking place in Europe in the last 18th century were giving rise to hopes for the legalization of their presence, all the more so as the Four-Year Sejm (1788-1792), which was preparing the fundamental reforms of the state, also looked into the 'reform of the Jews'. The top politicians were engaged in the matter, and so was King Stanislaw August Poniatowski, for whom the cash 'donations' promised by the Jews were quite important as he had amassed hefty debts. However, Warsaw burghers were opposed to any changes of the situation of the Jews and defended the town's old privileges. When in February 1792 the Sejm went into recess, they had the Jews driven out from the capital. In May 1792, Russia's intervention forces crossed into Poland. The question of the planned 'reform of the Jews' dropped from the parliamentary agenda, and also the question of their right to stay in Warsaw remained unresolved. In the autumn of that year, the Marshal issued a decision on the unconditional necessity of the Jews leaving Warsaw. Warsaw Jews were pinning hopes for the legalization of their presence in the city with the debates of the parliament in Grodno, which began in June 1793. Both the Jews and the Warsaw burghers, who wanted to oust the Jews from the city once and for all, engages in costly informal maneuvering aimed at securing the support of the deputies and other prominent persons for their demands. The Sejm's decision of 23 November 1793 did not solve the problem of permanent residence of Jews in Warsaw but as a result of the abolition of jurydykas, deprived them of the protection of wealthy patrons. Even so, a kehilla continued to operate informally in Warsaw, as did the Holy Brotherhood (Khevra Kadisha).
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