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Annales Scientia Politica
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2013
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vol. 2
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issue 1
79 – 83
EN
The aim of the presented text is to trace, identify and define the modern background to the Western understanding of implementation of political power and the power management of society and to determine their topicality in the current form of policy. In the text we look at the modern axiological, ethical and ideological sources of modern politics, when the power has been analysed in the context of individualism, freedom and citizenship.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2018
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vol. 73
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issue 9
742 – 754
EN
Manipulation as a specific form of power is characterized by a close connection with freedom. This makes it a very complicated and at the same time unusually interesting concept (especially in the current context). In the first part, the author aims to clarify the correlation of manipulation with its related categories such as coercion, compulsion, violence, etc., pointing out the complexities of relations between them, when they differ in principle or resemble each other or even overlap. Even more complicated are the relationships between manipulation and freedom. On the one hand, manipulation seemingly a priori denies freedom, and on the other hand it presupposes its presence, which is succinctly expressed by the term "voluntary slavery."
EN
The core of the presented study is built around the structure and effects of the phenomena of power and violence, as portrayed and contemplated by Sarah Kane in her play Blasted (1995). The author of the presented study anchored his theoretical point of departure in examining power and violence, the latter being a tool for the enforcement of the former, in an analysis by Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, who believe that power is the overriding principle of man’s relationship with his/ her outer reality. The first part of the study contemplates the structure of the phenomena of power and violence, as seen through the relationship between Ian and Cate, the play’s lead characters. Subsequently, the author focuses on their manifestation against the backdrop of a war catastrophe, which Sarah Kane allows to “barge in” the storyline. The conclusive part of the study attempts to highlight the appallingly devastating effects of power and violence, reaching their apex at a time of war.
4
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Rozporuplné diskursy otcovství

100%
EN
Fatherhood has experienced many transformations in the past years, as well as the institution of family and relationships between partners, parents and children. The social science discourse reflects those changes, but quite often through a prism of values and ideologies, and only rarely is gender neutral. This article presents today's discourses of fatherhood, their paradoxes and one way streets in which they sometimes end. Fathers today and especially those living in some of the 'new' family arrangement (divorced fathers, step fathers, lone fathers...) find themselves in a situation where no clear cultural models or scenarios of behaviour exist. Public and scientific discourses of fatherhood are divided between the image of a 'new' involved father on one side and of the 'feckless' father on the other. Both images are often used and misused to political purposes, but don't really reflect the reality of contemporary fatherhood.
EN
This paper discusses certain phenomena, features, and signs of power or hierarchical roles in writing, writing habits, and especially in spelling (including the regulation of orthography and its everyday practice in offices as well as in popular contexts). The overall framework is anthropo- and socio-semantic, and the material investigated is based on concrete observations, especially data drawn from Hungarian sources. The major manifestations, mechanisms, and signs of power discussed here include the following: belief in the magic power of writing, choice of type of writing, regulation of orthography (spelling reform, language reform), nostalgic romanticism, degradation, ways of catching readers' attention, discrimination, and counter-cultural forms of expression.
EN
Three studies focused on estimation of present and futurę achievements after success and failure in relation to differences in status. The results of Study 1 and 3 showed that high power participants rated actual and future achievements in a more optimistic way, and expected higher quality of life in the future than low power participants. The results of Study 2 and 3 showed that evaluation of own achievements by low power participants, compared to high power participants, was more dependent on the obtained feedback (positive or negative). The studies demonstrated that possessing power leads to a more positive evaluation of own achievements and sensitizes people to the feedback information but only in those domains which are consistent with content of the information. In the high power group neither positive nor negative feedback had any influence on estimation of own achievements in other domains, such as social status or quality of life.
EN
Foucault labelled modern society also “disciplinary” or “panopticon” society. Do these characteristics apply to contemporary society as well? If they do, what are the visible signs of that? Further, seen from this perspective, what are the differences (if any) between contemporary society and that described by Foucault? What techniques of power and control do contemporary society apply and what norms? These general questions are intended to be examined in more details in the frame of the body discourse. More precisely, it will be shown, how the issue of body is approached in the obesity discourse. The related concept of the dispositive of power will be examined as well.
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100%
EN
Social scientists have long argued that political power is a key dimension of stratification, yet few empirically analyze political inequality or explicitly discuss the methodological implications of their measures of it. Political inequality is a distinct dimension of social stratification and a form of power inequality whose domain is all things related to political processes. It is a multidimensional concept – comprised of voice, response, and policy – that occurs in all types of governance structures. Conceptions of political inequality of voice reflect the well-established finding that position within the social and political structure impacts individual and group political influence. I argue that definitions and measures of political inequality of voice should focus on the extent of influence given its connection, but not reduction, to economic resources. This article proposes and evaluates cross-national structural measures of political inequality of voice based on the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation. I explore the relationships between the measures and the rankings of European countries using data from the European Social Survey 2008 and the Economist Intelligence Unit Index of Democracy 2008’s “political participation” category.
Lud
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2009
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vol. 93
13-34
EN
The article describes leadership concepts developed in political anthropology from its very beginnings until modern times. The author tries to trace the history of anthropological reflection on political leadership and shows how its understanding in different theoretical orientation was changing. These changes are discussed against the background of socio-political transformations taking place in the Western world. The article presents the views of evolutionists, classical functionalist concepts of leadership and their subsequent modifications made by representatives of processualism and the theory of action as well as the concepts of power and authority developed by neo-evolutionists. The last part of the article addresses most recent studies on leadership in the post-colonial world and in pluralist Western societies. The history of anthropological studies on leadership shows how its understanding has evolved - from formal understanding, when leadership was perceived as a category identical to an exercise of power, to approaches in which leadership is understood as a dynamic structure, an aspect of social practice inseparably connected to other areas of culture such as kinship, power, prestige, religion, economics or law.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 6
686 – 705
EN
In this article, we analyse issues related to political participation from the perspective of sociological theory. The key argument is based on a theoretical framework distinguishing clearly between power and influence. We employ Talcott Parsons' theory of steering media and use it as a base on which to build a classification of forms of political participation. We show that with the development of a society, power-based political participation is not being replaced by influence-based political participation. Instead, in developed societies, the number of active citizens increases, and they tend to use more of both power-based and influence-based forms of political participation. Based on our classification of the forms of political participation, we examine a set of quantitative indicators using a hierarchical cluster analysis in order to explore differences and similarities among EU members as regards the use of power or influence-based forms of political participation.
EN
In the article, the authors respond to the main arguments that were voiced during discussions of the results of the project ‘Sexual Harassment in Universities: Incidence and Perception’, which the authors’ team carried out in 2008–2009. They do not aim to defend the research itself, but rather to analyse the dominant discourse on sexual harassment in the Czech environment from a gender perspective. This is because they see a refusal to accept gender as a relevant analytical category. They argue for the fundamental role of gender in the conceptualization of sexual harassment and for further refinement of its significance in gender-informed definitions of sexual harassment. In the authors’ opinion, these definitions do not sufficiently reflect the current state of gender theories. The main argument of the text concerns the relationship between sexual and gender-motivated harassment. The gender perspective offers an intrinsically coherent conceptualization of sexual harassment, including its causes and options for handling individual cases. In the article, the authors discuss the extent to which the gender order is a precondition for sexual harassment. This view allows them to think also about the less discussed types of sexual harassment (e.g. homophobic harassment) or to consider the ambivalence of some situations in which sexual harassment occurs (i.e. the dynamics of pleasant and unpleasant feelings, women’s initiative, etc.). At the same time, it reveals that power inequalities do not result only from institutional hierarchies between teachers and students, but also from the logic of the existing gender order.
EN
This paper examines whether it is possible to interpret the philosophical myth from Plato’s Statesman against a background taken from Hesiod’s Theogony. At first, the Hesiodic conception of three generations of gods is reconstructed, and the changes of the world-order related to the transfer of the world-rule from Cronus to Zeus are emphasised. The Cronus’ rule is strictly centralized, absolute and does not tolerate any co-rulers. It means blessed life with all material needs immediately fulfilled for all living beings (here also the exposition of Cronus’ rule from Works and Days is taken into account), but it is unstable and vulnerable on the level of the cosmos as a whole. Zeus wins the battle against his father thanks to his wisdom and prudence. Zeus’ world rule is decentralized and depersonalized, Zeus takes other gods as his partners, entrusts to them their specific areas of concern and therefore abandons the absolute unity of the cosmic power. Plato’s myth is interpreted against this background. The cosmic phase of Cronus’ rule is the phase when the cosmos as a whole is governed by one supreme divine power, but there is no political constitution in the human world – people live without families and cities, without memory and apparently also without philosophy; their way of life is unhuman and evokes the animal life. The opposite cosmic phase characterized by Zeus’ rule constitutes a world with a permanent conflict of many powers, but which is also open to autonomous and fully human activity. It is the phase of the world we live in, the phase when people have to take care of their lives and struggle for good by themselves, but still with the help of particular gods who guarantee the connection between the unified rule of Cronus and the new pluralist world order. The unity of Cronus’ world phase becomes an ideal point toward which the human activity, as well as the happening of the world as a whole, strives to converge toward, and it is but in this very striving the questions of good and consequently also wisdom and philosophy become vital and essential for human life. The political meaning of the Platonic myth is often interpreted only in the light of its first-hand verbal content, and so the Cronus’ phase is in all its bearings interpreted as a transcendental ideal of pure perfection, whereas the Zeus’ phase only negatively as a deficient decline from this ideal. However, the use of the comparative method enables us to show that the Platonic myth is substantively ambiguous, which corresponds with the ambiguity of the questions it refers to: the question of a good statesman and essentially the question of an optimal order of human society.
EN
The paper inquires into the power games and conflicts accompanying the restructuring of the security services from an aspect of organizational sociology. In accordance with this purpose it starts with a short survey of the upbuilding of the security services after the system-change and a sketch of their structural-functional place within the whole state administration. It is followed by an analysis of the governmental decisions aiming at the realization of the reform conception.
EN
Specificity of the influence of main production factors on social relations are analyzed in the globalization context, on the assumption that globalization, apart from intensive economic growth in developed countries, evolves multiple problems of social origin. The globalized world radically changes economic relations, due to the newly emerging contradictions and development prospects, new forms of international cooperation and economic integration; the increasing role of intellectual factor; aggravation of problems within the system 'human - society - nature'. All the production factors (labor, resources, capital, entrepreneurship as an activity to enhance the efficiency of uses of the former three factors in production) are equally required for the development. But today 'distortions' within the system of production relations occur, due to the dictate of those who own resources and capital, as well as to interferences of power authorities. The latter seem to try to become the fifth factor of production, but in the result they only suppress the natural course of things in the production development, largely due to their wrong attitude to entrepreneurs. On the basis of the above assumptions, the real role of production factors in the national (Ukrainian) production is determined in view of the influence of power authorities.
15
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NESMRTEĽNOSŤ, MOC A DÉMONICKÉ SILY

88%
ESPES
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 2
52 – 60
EN
The story of Faust is a part of European culture and mythology for five centuries and modified and reflected looking of the society upon some key questions in various transformations. Faust has never been alone in his effort to reach an absolute knowledge and power, even at the expense of his own execration. Other iconic beings of folk literature or folk imagination and fiction following their own ambitions were ahead of him and followed him. The aspect of power as a dominant determinant of not only Faust’s effort became determining element of investigation in submitted article. The author accesses the problem of power in wider social-cultural contexts and looks for matter, origin and symptoms of its attraction following its transformation and possible aesthetical influence on the individual in the work reception and even in personal acting and creating of aesthetical preferences of the recipient.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2021
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vol. 76
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issue 3
195 – 208
EN
The aim of the paper is to outline the development of later Foucault’s thought concerning the study of power. Foucault often changed his approaches to power, and this investigation changed his thinking about power. At the beginning he dealt with the microphysics of power, later he focused on the study of governmentality as the art of governing, which includes both the ways of governing and the modes of subjectivation. Problematiziation of governmentality allowed Foucault to link two major topics he had addressed in the last years of his life, politics and ethics.
EN
The content of political doctrines and dominant lines of practical politics is legitimised by the effort to implement the ideal of a good, free society by applying the idea of reason. At the same time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. One of the consequences of such fixation is in the division of sciences into the realms of nature and society, the independence of their methodological orientation, or the factual and theoretical division of human reality into rationalism (means, technology, efficiency) and human values and meanings which become the domain of irrationalism. Therefore, from the perspective of modern political systems, irrationally conditioned modelling of reality under the guise of rationality may be considered an important aspect of the ideological compromise between politics, economics, and the media sphere on the lasting continuity of prosperity for the rich ones.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2006
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vol. 61
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issue 7
511-519
EN
This essay is devoted to a critical analysis of the theory of power of Thomas Hobbes, as he presented it especially in his masterpiece, Leviathan (1651). Considering new contributions to this theme (M. Weber, B. Russell, C. W. Mills, A. Goldman, S. Lukes, etc.), author strives to explicate Hobbes' ideas by means of such concepts as desire, interest, causation, as well as the right of nature and liberty. Special attention is being paid to the question of social contract and sovereign power, in which author sees a danger of a totalitarian grip on power.
EN
The paper's focus is on an age-long philosophical issue: man and power. It is analyzed in the frame of the basic philosophical paradigms: ontological, epistemological, axiological, anthropological and linguistic. From the analysis and comparison of the particular traits of each of these paradigms three approaches to human beings arise: essential, existential and interpretative. The power dominating over people or possessing them has various forms: universal law, God's will, political order, the nature inside and outside us, etc. and the most dangerous of them being those we are unaware of.
EN
Freedom or control of how we act is often and very naturally under-stood as a kind of power—a power to determine for ourselves how we act. Is freedom conceived as such a power possible, and what kind of power must it be? The paper argues that power takes many forms, of which ordinary causation is only one; and that if freedom is indeed a kind of power, it cannot be ordinary causation. Scepticism about the reality of freedom as a power can take two forms. One, found in Hume, now often referred to as the Mind argument, assumes incompatibilism, and concludes from incompatibilism that freedom cannot exist, as indistinguishable from chance. But another scepticism, founds in Hobbes, does not assume incompatibilism, but assumes rather that the only possible form of power in nature is ordinary causation, concluding that freedom cannot for this reason exist as a form of power. This scepticism is more profound—it is in fact presupposed by Hume’s scepticism—and far more interesting, just because freedom cannot plausibly be modelled as ordinary causation.
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