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PAMÄŤ A VOĽBA VO VYSOKO PERSONALIZOVANÝCH VOĽBÁCH: PRÍPADOVÁ ŠTÚDIA K PRVEJ PRIAMEJ VOĽBE PREZIDENTA V ČESKEJ REPUBLIKE

100%
Eibl O., Janovský J., Zagrapan J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 4
373 – 392
EN
We analyse the memory of voters and their ability to recall campaigns of candidates after the first-ever direct Czech presidential election. Our main focus is on identifying the campaigns best remembered by the voters. Our results show that, as predicted by the theory, the respondents could recall campaigns of the personalities that they had voted for. On the other hand, we do not confirm that people also remembered the campaigns of the candidates that they considered voting for.
2

THE 'OTHER-OTHERS'. AN ANALYSIS OF THE PRESS COVERAGE ON FLOATING AND NON-VOTING VOTERS DURING THE 2008 US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAING

100%
Chmielewska-Szlajfer H.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
|
2009
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issue 23
251-264
EN
The article presents an analysis of press items on the recent US presidential campaign as they appeared in two dailies, the New York Times and USA Today. The focus of interest is the non-voting section of the electorate, which forms a separate category, coming, as they do, under neither the usual 'Us', voting for a given candidate, nor the equally usual 'Them', voting for a different candidate. Floating voters, those who do not know for whom to cast their vote, or whether to vote at all, along with non-voters, form another category, the 'other Them'. The article compares them with 'obtuse publics', who can be observed solely by means of advanced research methodologies. The lack of visibility in the media comprises the article's primary axis, insofar as, to a large extent, non-voters remain imperceptible, despite the existence of research analysing their silence. Floating voters, in turn, are afforded the right to visibility. This is, however, a 'stigmatised' visibility, with the people concerned being portrayed with irritation and embarrassment. The article discusses the modality of this 'stigmatised' visibility; the paramount question, however, remains the absence from the media of the 'missing section of the electorate', amounting, during the last elections, to over one third of those who were entitled to vote.
3
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CONTINGENT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION BY THE US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE (Rezerwowa procedura wyboru prezydenta Stanow Zjednoczonych przez Izbe Reprezentantow)

100%
Wieciech T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2011
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issue 4(105)
91-110
EN
If no candidate for President receives a majority of the electoral votes (in Electoral College), election is determined by the House of Representatives. In this event, the House is limited to choosing from among no more than the three candidates who received the most electoral votes. Delegation of each state has one vote, it votes collectively. In order to win, a candidate must receive an absolute majority of state delegation votes. Contingency procedure for election of President by the House was applied only twice: in 1801 and 1825. Therefore, it is one of the lesser-known functions of the lower house of Congress. This procedure has never been the subject of a Supreme Court judgment. Apart from the most important procedural aspect, an analysis of the contingency procedure for Presidential election should also take in account a wide constitutional aspect, considering its relations with basic constitutional principles and the problem of legitimacy of a President elected by the House of Representatives.
4
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VYSVĚTLENÍ ROZDĚLENÍ SPOLEČNOSTI V ČESKU PO ROCE 2013 – POSTROKKANOVSKÉ KONFLIKTNÍ LINIE?

75%
Svoboda D.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2019
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vol. 8
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issue 2
28 – 46
EN
This article shall deal with an investigation of changes within Czech society and within its political persuasion and behaviour. It will be based on familiar theories of dividing lines or cleavages, and make use of their innovative character in the form of “post-Rokkan cleavages”, which enable a better understanding of the new dividing lines which have begun to manifest themselves pronouncedly, especially since the end of the 1960s. The article shall familiarise readers with the classic theories of cleavages as presented by Stein Rokkan and Seymour Martin Lipset, as well as with post-Rokkan concepts of cleavages as conceived by Arend Lijphart and Ronald F. Inglehart. It is precisely these concepts that the article shall apply to Czech society since 2013. The year 2013 has been chosen as a milestone when Czech society began to divide, in the author's view primarily as a consequence of three key events. According to the author, these events are the direct election of the President of the Czech Republic in 2013, the crisis in Ukraine, emerging from the end of the 2013 onwards, and since approximately April 2015 the current European migrant crisis. Within the context of these three events, the author shall analyse the Czech political and social milieu, linking to the concept of post-Rokkan conflict lines. The entire text is set upon a background of an examination of populism within Czech society, which in the opinion of the author is present in both of the ideological groups emerging as a consequence of the new cleavages that have been generated by the aforementioned three events.
5
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Maďarské menšinové politické strany v Československu a volba Masarykova nástupce do úřadu prezidenta republiky v prosinci 1935. I. díl

75%
Tóth A.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2012
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vol. 20
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issue 1
157-201
EN
On 18th December, 1935 Foreign Minister Edvard Beneš was elected by an overwhelming majority of MPs and senators to become the second President of the Czechoslovak Republic. Beneš’s candidacy for President was supported by the legislators, members of all Czechoslovak parties, i.e., the Agrarian Party, Social Democratic Party, National Socialist Party, People’s Party, Hlinka’s Slovakian People’s Party, as well as by the political tradesmen and Communists. Beneš’s candidacy for President was also supported by the MPs and senators of the German “activist” parties, namely the German Social Democratic Party, the German Christian Social Party and the German Agrarian Party. For the first time ever in the Presidential election in the Czechoslovak Republic also legislators-members of the Hungarian minority political parties took an “activist” position, although during the previous Presidential elections they had expressed their negativist attitude to the state’s constitutional system by abstaining from voting, i.e., by returning blank ballots. Their position during the Presidential election was supposed to be uniform, as proved by a public declaration of their representatives. A negativist position during the election was only shown by the MPs and senators representing Henlein’s Sudetengerman Party and Kramář’s National Unification Party. The constructive position of the Hungarian minority political parties at the Presidential election was appreciated also by the new President after the election, who through his secretary thanked the Hungarian parties for their “knightly behavior, sincerity and straightforward position before and during the Presidential election”.
6
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Maďarské menšinové politické strany v Československu a volba Masarykova nástupce do úřadu prezidenta republiky v prosinci 1935. II. díl

75%
Tóth A.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2012
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vol. 20
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issue 2
83-137
EN
The second part of the study goes into details of the attitude of Hungarian minority parties, namely the Provincial Christian Democratic Party (Országos Keresztény Szocialista Párt; OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (Magyar Nemzeti Párt; MNP), to the election of President Masaryk’s successor in December 1935. Much attention is paid to the important closing meeting of thein leaders on the eve of the election, i.e., 17th December 1935, which resulted in a joint declaration in support of the Presidential Nominee Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time. The second part of the study recapitulates in detail the final meetings of the leading Hungarian minority politicians and tries to answer as precisely as possible the question whether really all OKSzP and MNP legislators complied in the Vladislaus Hall of the Prague Castle on 18th December 1935 with the communique adopted on its eve 17 December 1935 by the joint Parliament clubs and voted at the election session for Beneš.
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