Artykuł stanowi studium nad wybranymi walorami literackimi relacji brata Anzelma Polaka z pobytu w Ziemi Świętej, którą odwiedził pod koniec 1507 roku. Relacja ta jest w istocie pierwszym, drukowanym polskim przewodnikiem turystycznym przedstawiającym nie tylko miejsca związane z życiem i działalnością Chrystusa, lecz także zabytki i artefakty stanowiące przedmiot czci chrześcijan. Z problematyką opisów miejsc i budowli połączono w artykule ważną u Anzelma sprawę tzw. realiów – tła historycznego, politycznego i społecznego, które pisarz portretuje uwzględniając także wzajemne związki i zależności między chrześcijanami a okupującymi te tereny Saracenami. W artykule scharakteryzowano ponadto niektóre fantastyczne opowieści przewijające się przez utwór, pełniące w nim głównie funkcje parenetyczne. Analizie poddano również słownictwo i konstrukcje stylistyczne, które, choć niekiedy odbiegają od norm klasycznej gramatyki i składni, utrzymują się na ogół w rygorach poprawności. Przedstawienie różnych wymiarów dzieła ma służyć podkreśleniu jego walorów literackich nie zauważanych przez badaczy.
EN
The article proposes an overview of some literary aspects of the rich narrative material present in Anselm Polak’s account of the visit to the Holy Land undertaken in autumn 1507. As a factual guidebook giving information about Palestine, Anselm’s work offers a comprehensive description of both: the places where Christ lived, and historic monuments the Christians worshipped. As for the artifacts analyzed, the Palestinian historical, political and social context was described. This perspective was expanded through a special coexistence of Christians and Saracens. Among others, the article examines the fanciful tales recurring in Anselm’s work, such as stories about a snake and the Blessed Virgin. The characteristic style of the writer, both Latin vocabulary and syntax alongside to their deviation from the classical Latin grammar, are also discussed. This presentation of such diverse dimensions of the work aims to highlight the values of Anselm’s writing unnoticed by other scholars.
The 2005 Israeli disengagement from the Gaza Strip dramatically changed the political situation of said territory. Due to the poor economic situation of its inhabitants, itself caused by years of Israeli policy of isolation, and general perception of being mistreated by the Israeli government, the power vacuum created in the wake of the withdrawal was filled by Hamas. The fundamentalists took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, which caused the decision-makers in Tel Aviv to take radical measures to deal with the organization. A tight blockade of the Gaza Strip was introduced and while it may have curbed some of Hamas activities, it also worsened the living conditions of the inhabitants, creating a humanitarian crisis. Israeli policy has been criticized by many members of the international community. Moreover, Tel Aviv carried out several military operations, two of which (“Cast Lead” in 2008/2009 and “Protective Edge” in 2014) were characterized by significantly high numbers of civilian deaths. All of these actions, aimed at eliminating terrorists and improving Israeli citizens' security, seem to be rather short-sighted. Israeli policy only popularizes Hamas propaganda among Palestinians, therefore strengthening the organization and creating a vicious circle of misery and violence.
Hundreds of press articles on the issue of Palestinian identity have been written in the last two years. It happened due to granting Palestine on November 29, 2012 a non-member observer state status by the General Assembly of the United Nations.Resolution 67/19 of the UN assembly, contrary to appearances, does not answer explicitly the question concerning the Palestinian identity. In my paper I will try to display the whole spectrum of legal nuances referring to this issue.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14763
Between August 2012 and March 2013 cities of the West Bank witnessed demonstrations that seemed to be a prelude to "Palestinian Spring". Triggered by an economic crisis the demonstrations have quickly developed into a protest calling for a drastic political change including a withdrawal from Israeli-Palestinian cooperation and disbandment of Palestinian National Authority (PNA). The protest however turned out to be a fiasco. Not only demonstrators failed to make a desired difference but also have given Israel an opportunity to reassure its upper-hand and strengthen its superiority. The purpose of this paper is to present the most important socio-political and legal determinants that defused Palestinian protest and secured Israeli conditioned equilibrium of Israeli – Palestinian relationships as well as to rethink the issue with a relation to renewed negotiations. The first part of the study tackles the dynamics of the protest, its context and the reaction of the parties. The study deals with the factors that contained an escalation of turmoil, identifies tools of suppression used by Israel and, by putting an emphasis on economical dependence of Palestinians, analyzes conditions of political status quo preservation. Having considered the above dynamics the paper argues that both, the very survival of Palestinian National Authority and a continuity of Israeli-Palestinian cooperation depend on Israeli ability to single-handed maintenance of this balance, more precisely, ability to impose arbitrary decisions. The paper considers above condition to be the main obstacle to rank-and-file non-governmental struggle for the Palestinian independence. The second part of the study relates previously identified phenomena to a formula and a matter of the renewed negotiations as well as the unilateral policy of PNA. In conclusion, the paper also gives a notion for possible future developments.
The peace movements, both Palestinians and Israelis, have been little discussed academically, however, its importance in the development of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict is crucial. This article intends to expose the dynamics that the Israeli and Palestinian peace organizations have had over the years.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14763
In the chaotic situation following the British invasion of southern Palestine at the end of 1917, military officials faced several countervailing pressures. In addition to ongoing military priorities (including international norms pertaining to military occupations, such as the law of the ‘status quo’), pressing humanitarian concerns, and even the personal religious sentiments of individual officers, the British occupation administration was forced to take into account international pressures and interventions resulting from the overlapping and conflicting promises made during the war (inter alia, Sykes‑Picot agreement, Husayn‑McMahon correspondence, Balfour Declaration, and President Wilson’s 14 Points). This paper focuses on the land policy‑making process as a case study with which to weigh the various factors pressing upon the military occupation as it evolved during its first three years. Land ownership was a huge concern: a properly functioning land registry was seen as key to the improvement of economic and social conditions in the largely agricultural economy, and British interventions were followed closely by all interested parties. The land has also been at the centre of the ensuing century‑long conflict between Arabs and Jews. Thus, a close examination of land policies (and especially the 1920 land ordinance) offers an extremely important window on both the rule of law in the aftermath of the war and our understanding of the current, unending conflict in the land.
The article presents the main issues connected with visual anthropology application in research studies carried out in non-European environment. The text is based on author’s research of the Palestinian society. The main topic of the research was connected with the understanding of safety and danger among Palestinian women. The article presents problems, challenges, and chances of using photo-interviews according to the postcolonial and intersectional contexts in social research.
Aim/purpose – The main purpose of the study is to investigate the bank-specific factors that influence the net interest margin of banks in Palestine. Design/methodology/approach – An econometric model using random effect panel regression was used to estimate data for all 17 working banks from 2006 to 2016. Findings – Result indicates that several factors, including credit risk, risk aversion, bank orientation, and foreign banks, have statisti cally significant effects on the net interest margin. However, results also show that su ch factors as operating expenses, management efficiency, Islamic bank, and time trend are not statistically significant. Research implications/limitations – The main policy lesson drawn from this study is that the net interest margin of working bank s in Palestine could be further enhanced by formulating regulatory policies regarding bank-specific factors, such as credit risk, risk aversion, bank orientation, and foreign ba nks. The most significant limitation of the study was the availability of data. Despite th e fact that several bank-specific factors were identified in the literature as a determinan t of the net interest margin, only the factors that have an available data were used in the study. Originality/value/contribution – The results of research introduced in the study make theoretical and practical contributions to th e body of knowledge. It fills the gap related to the bank-specific factors that influence the net interest margin of banks in Palestine, which have specific conditions and atypical situation.
This article examines the recent developments in the prosecution of international crimes committed in the Palestinian Territory, focusing mainly on the role of the International Criminal Court. The author analyses the Palestinian accession to the Rome Statute and the declarations issued pursuant to Art. 12(3) in order to verify whether it is possible to bring justice to Palestine through the prosecution of atrocities committed by both parties. The article pays great attention to the most recent events, such as the Prosecutor’s report on the Mavi Marmara incident and the subsequent decision of the Pre-Trial Chamber. Issues related to the Palestinian statehood are taken in account in relation to the interplay between international criminal justice and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The article, based on documents of the State Archive of Odessa Region and researches of the Ukrainian and foreign scholars, covers the activities of a number of Odessa Jewish societies and their leaders who played a significant role in organizing the emigration of Jews from the South of the Russian Empire to the Middle East - to Syria and Palestine in the 1880-1920s. It is characterized an organizational framework and different areas of work of public associations, established to aid migrants. Also it is highlighted the stages of palestinophile movement and role of certain groups and personalities who made a significant contribution to the development of the theory and practice of Zionism. The author introduced and summarized the new archival sources and information about more than two dozen Jewish societies, clubs, bureaus, funds and commissions who had been working in Odessa in the economic, financial, cultural, educational and political spheres for supporting the Palestine project.
The destruction of pagan temples and/or their conversion to churches during the Late Antiquity have been the subject of much study and speculation. For a long period debate on this topic was shaped chiefly by various literary accounts, while archaeological data were somewhat neglected. The purpose of this article is to provide some observations on this issue from a strictly archaeological perspective. The occasion for this are the results of the Polish excavations at Hippos-Sussita. A large basilica that has been unearthed there was built directly on the remains of an earlier Roman temple. The first section of the paper presents elements of the Roman temple which have been identified in various parts of the church area. The second part briefly discusses the other sites in Palestine which have yielded archaeological evidence of churches built over pagan temples.
The paper attempts to show the chronology, regional distribution and function of notched animal scapulae (shoulder blades). Before the Iron Age, notched animal scapulae appear only sporadically in the southern Levant: in the Upper Palaeolithic Hayonim Cave; at Neolithic Atlit Yam and Jericho; and at the Chalcolithic site of Tell Turmus, and they are totally absent in the Bronze Age sites. Notched scapulae appear mostly in the Iron Age I and the largest group of these objects found in Palestine comes from Ekron. At least one example was found in a residential area of Ashkelon. Three notched scapulae were found at Tel Dor, although none in a clear stratified context. An incised scapula was found also in Tel Kinrot. The four Tell es-Safi/Gath scapulae, which date to the Iron Age IIA, are the latest in the sequence. Some scholars believe that notched scapulae were used in divination rites of scapulomancy or omoplatoscopy; others authors suggest that notched scapulae were used as musical instruments – as rasps or scrapers. Others still proposed that these artifacts were used for account-keeping of commodities produced for cultic use or brought to the cultic place as offerings or taxes. Another option is that they were used as a part of a loom. Since the exact function and meaning of scapulae is difficult to ascertain, a new hypothesis concerning their function is proposed: because many of them were found in cultic context, it is possible that they could have been used as votive objects.
On subjects that cannot be put to sleep. Anna Zawadzka in an interview with Jerzy JedlickiThe conversation with Jerzy Jedlicki is a part of series of interviews starting with the question about the subjects, that the interlocutors during his or her academical career were advised (by different persons and for different reasons) not to pursue. Jedlicki mentions about three such issues: Poles and Jews during II World War period, Israel and Palestine, atheism and faith. He points out that nobody discouraged him from pursuing these subjects – it was himself, who refrained from being vocal on these matters. He clarifies why he used to censor himself, analyses how all the subjects work today in Polish public sphere and explains why he broke the silence several times. Tematy, których nie da się uśpić. Z Jerzym Jedlickim rozmawia Anna ZawadzkaRozmowa z Jerzym Jedlickim przynależy do cyklu wywiadów, które rozpoczynają się pytaniem o tematy, które w toku kariery naukowej były rozmówcy z różnych przyczyn i przez różne osoby odradzane. Jedlicki wymienia trzy takie kwestie: Polacy i Żydzi w okresie okupacji, Izrael i Palestyna oraz ateizm i wiara. Zaznacza, że nikt mu nie odradzał ich podejmowania, a jedynie on sam powstrzymywał się przed zabieraniem publicznie głosu w tych sprawach. Wyjaśnia dlaczego się autocenzurował, analizuje, w jaki sposób wszystkie te trzy tematy funkcjonują dziś w polskiej sferze publicznej oraz tłumaczy, dlaczego kilkakrotnie przerwał jednak milczenie.
The subject of his paper is to describe the Zionist thoughts on the shape of the future of the Jewish state. Zionism was created in the 19th century, and the goal of the movement was creation a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Since the creation of the State, activities are focused on strengthening national consciousness among its residents. In addition, work will also be set actions taken by the Zionist activists in order to achieve the theoretical postulates. The aim is to show the Zionist way of thinking and plans for the future of the Jewish state devices at different levels.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest opisanie myśli syjonistów na temat kształtu przyszłości państwa żydowskiego. Syjonizm powstał w XIX wieku, a celem ruchu było stworzenie żydowskiej ojczyzny w Palestynie. Od momentu powstania państwa działania ukierunkowane są na wzmacnianie świadomości narodowej wśród jego mieszkańców. Oprócz tego będą też ustalone działania podejmowane przez działaczy syjonistycznych w celu realizacji postulatów teoretycznych. Celem jest pokazanie syjonistycznego sposobu myślenia i planów na przyszłość żydowskich struktur państwowych na różnych poziomach.
Many suggestions have been presented for solving the Israeli – Palestinian dispute. As for now, none of those suggestions, presented during more than thirty years of negotiations, have been accepted by both sides. As for this, some new ideas have to be entered into the arena. Here some new, “out of the box”, geographical proposals are presented, based on actual events and geographical realities which exist in other areas. These proposals could be seen as un-human or politically wrong suggestions but as all other proposals were rejected, the decision makers of both sides, as well as the leaders of the world, can use the presented suggestion as a base for future negotiations.
The paper reports from the proceedings of the 6th Annual Conference on Israeli Studies Israeli Identities: Past, Present and Future which took place at the University of Wrocław on September 10–12, 2017. The report reflects on the discussions which took place during plenary sessions of the conference and on the contents of the conference panels. Furthermore, it assesses the importance of this international event for the field of Israeli studies.
The article presents Ashdod and Ashkelon, two harbor cities from the Herodian period (37 BCE–70 CE), located on the south Levantine’s coast. The topic is depicted using the examples of the imported fine and utilitarian wares dated to Early Roman, in specific Herodian, period. Ashdod and Ashkelon were cities located nearby, with very similar history up to the Hellenistic period. After this time their similarities disappeared and the importance in the region changed. This issue is well presented in the pottery assemblage and imports from the whole Mediterranean world.
Konflikt bliskowschodni pozostaje jedną z najważniejszych kwestii w stosunkach międzynarodowych po II wojnie światowej. Jednąz najważniejszych wyzwańjest określenie czy bliskowschodni proces pokojowy jest związany z szeroko pojmowanym konfliktem bliskowschodnim czy też, ujmując rzecz precyzyjniej, z konfliktem arabsko-izraelskim. W kontekście kontroli nad terytorium można wyróżnić dwa możliwe scenariusze. Po pierwsze, Palestyńczycy żyjący pod zarządem izraelskim. Po drugie, rozwiązanie na bazie utworzenia dwóch niepodległych państw, czyli uznanie państwa Izrael przez wszystkie państwa arabskie w zamian za zgodę na utworzenie państwa palestyńskiego. Dotychczas przedstawiono wiele planów uregulowania tego problemu, na przykład, podczas negocjacji pokojowych w Oslo, spotkania w Tabie w 2001 roku czy też konferencji w Annapolis w 2007. Jednak żaden z nich nie doprowadził do przyjęcia całościowego rozwiązania konfliktu. Pojawia się pytanie czy społeczność międzynarodowa będzie musiała pogodzić się z kolejnym impasem w ramach bliskowschodniego procesu pokojowego. A może tak zwane arabskie przebudzenie, czyli trwające procesy zmian społeczno- politycznych w państwach arabskich, doprowadzą do zmiany sytuacji w regionie i umożliwią zawarcie porozumienia?
EN
The Middle East conflict has remained one of the core issues of contemporary intemational relations sińce World War II. One of the most important matters is to define whether the Middle East peace process is related to the Middle East conflict or, more precisely, to the Arab-Israeli conflict. With respect to land, there are two possible scenarios. Firstly, Palestinians living under Israeli administration. Secondly, a two-state solution, namely an official recognition of the state of Israel by all Arab states and the foundation of a Palestinian state. So far, there have been dozens of peace plans, for example, the Oslo Peace Process, the Taba talks of 2001, the Road Map of 2003, and the Annapolis Conference of 2007. None of them resulted in a comprehensive solution. The ąuestion is, if the intemational community will face another stalemate in case of the Middle East peace process. Might the so-called Arab awakening, namely all the ongoing political and social processes in the Arab states, change the situation in the region?
In 2009–2017, the European Union continued its prior policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Nonetheless, taking into consideration the rapidly changing internal and international situation, this policy is becoming increasingly less effective. Problems confronting the European Union and its member states over the recent years, Brexit, the destabilization of North Africa and the Middle East, the Ukrainian crisis, the redistribution of power in the world system, to name a few – are the most significant determinants of the current EU policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Compared to other actors, the role of the European Union in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been decreasing.
PL
W latach 2009–2017 Unia Europejska kontynuowała swoją dotychczasową politykę wobec konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego, jednak w obliczu dynamicznie zmieniających się uwarunkowań wewnętrznych i międzynarodowych polityka ta staje się coraz mniej efektywna. Problemy, z jakimi Unia Europejska i jej państwa członkowskie borykają się od kilku lat – Brexit, destabilizacja obszaru Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu, kryzys ukraiński, zmieniający się układ sił w świecie – to najważniejsze determinanty obecnej polityki UE wobec konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego. W ich wyniku rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego, na tle innych aktorów, maleje.
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