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EN
Starting in Wuhan in December 2019, and making its way all the way to Rome and New York in April 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has put the states, alliances and others, square in the face of a serious challenge. However, the question that happens to be a stumbling block this time has never been posed as a problem or obstacle before – the question of public health; a question that has taught the European Union a lesson about what is a top priority and how all the other policies, plans and strategies may seem unimportant overnight. This paper provides an analysis on how the European Union coped with the global threat given its limited legal possibilities, and the unprecedented situation of its Member States becoming the second outbreak point of the pandemic. Moreover, the COVID-19 pandemic, once again, has opened up the question of solidarity and the coherence within the EU. The conclusions drawn from this research are of great importance as a way to show whether the EU will come out of this situation with a positive outcome, confi rming its values of solidarity and coherence, or whether it will have to undertake drastic reforms in order to consolidate the latter.
EN
This study examines the life of Chinese students studying in the Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (HUFS) during the COVID-19 pandemic and identifies students’ most preferred educational method during the pandemic and the most effective educational method post pandemic. A month-long quantitative survey was conducted, supplemented by a qualitative survey. Online educational method (OEM) was the most preferred. While students hoped for the face-to-face educational method (FEM) post pandemic, they also wanted OEM to expand because of their improved awareness about it and having experienced its advantages. Thus, OEM could potentially be the most effective educational method for Chinese students.
EN
Th e confl ict in Ukraine which has raised from Maidan revolution in 2013/2014 is becoming a one of several frozen conflicts in the Post-soviet space. While the conflict has been slowly frozen, a new crisis came in 2020. Th is article represents a continuation of the previous author’s research of the Confl ict in Ukraine. Th e author tries to fi nd how a pandemic has influenced the conflict. He tries to identify some changes in the behaviour of actors of the conflict. He focuses on the possible changes in behaviour on both, the qualitative and the quantitative level. Finally, he tries to recognize how the conflict has been changed during the pandemic.
EN
Smallpox, also known as (Sopona), is one of the epidemic plagues experienced among the Yoruba people of West Africa especially in Abeokuta and Lagos under colonial rule. The aim of this study is to examine the Yoruba perception of the management of smallpox infection, socio-cultural beliefs about it and the colonial interventions in the management of the disease condition in Africa. This is necessary to explain the construction of indigenous knowledge via indigenous traditional science related to the history of medicine in Nigeria under colonialism. There is paucity of data and detailed historical narratives on the local interpretations and colonial interventions of the sopona pandemic and the procedures adopted in the containment of the spread of the disease as well as the colonial response to the disease outbreak. The interconnectivity between the pandemic and colonial rule shows that the disease condition was more difficult to control than officials expected, thereby increasing the transmission rate and spreading the epidemic among the population. Over the period, large numbers of people among the natives and colonial invaders died from the disease, causing widespread fear to the colonial authorities. The colonial officials in Nigeria were not equipped to handle the outbreak, given their uncertain knowledge of its etiology and lack of vaccination or drug for its treatment in Western medical science during the colonial period. The study relied on both primary and secondary sources. Primary data included oral interviews, newspaper reports and archival materials. Secondary sources were obtained from university libraries and research institutes across Nigeria. Data were historically analysed from the outbreak of smallpox to the period modern vaccination was introduced in 20th Century. The innovativeness of this study is to articulate how local people handled and interpreted disease conditions with their socio-cultural system and beliefs in contrast to the colonial perspectives and interventions in cases of illness and health among the Yoruba people of Africa in the colonial era. It is, therefore, against this background that this study provides a historical analysis of the Sopona pandemic among the Yoruba people of West Africa in colonial times.
EN
COVID-19 is having an unprecedented impact on all communities around the world. Millions of people lost their jobs as a result of the government measures introduced. Social inequalities deepened and vulnerable groups were exposed to a new threat. In this contribution, we focus on the development of the pandemic on a global scale and in Slovakia, with an emphasis on individual public administration interventions during the COVID-19 pandemic. The aim of the contribution is to analyze the impact of the introduced measures on one of the most vulnerable segments of the population, which are the low-income groups. The contribution emphasizes marginalized groups with low income, limited opportunities and dependence on the help of others. This article is a partial output of the project VEGA 1/0595/21 – Public administration interventions at the time of COVID-19 and their impact on the quality of life of citizens of selected communities.
EN
For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.
EN
The COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching effects, not only on public health but also on the global economy, social interactions, and daily life. It has highlighted the importance of global cooperation and the need for more investment in public health and emergency preparedness. The pandemic also exposed weaknesses in many countries’ educational management systems; it has forced many higher education institutions to adopt new teaching and learning methods to minimize the risk of transmission. This resulted in the need for comparative studies to evaluate the effectiveness of different pedagogical responses and to find a common ground on the most effective practices and responses that would help higher education institutions better prepare for similar challenges in the future. The present study provides a comparative study and outcomes through a record of the pedagogical responses by higher education authorities in two completely different contexts (Algeria and the UK). The authors of the paper beforehand adopted a desktop analysis approach through valid and first-hand reliable sources like government and university official releases. This research methodology would involve a systematic and rigorous approach to data collection and analysis to ensure the reliability and validity of the research findings. Through coding and thematic analysis of the collected data, the researchers concluded that the efficiency of the responses and decisions adopted by higher education institutions varied depending on a range of factors such as the institution's resources, infrastructure, and student population. However, the pandemic highlighted the need for agile and serious responses to ensure the safety and well-being of students and the campus community.
EN
The subject of the study is a comparison of television broadcasting for school-age children and youth by public broadcasters in Slovakia and the Czech Republic during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic in spring 2020. The authors selected and researched programs which were supposed to partially replace full-time teaching in primary schools. Radio and Television of Slovakia (RTVS) broadcast a program called Školský klub (School Club) and Czech Television broadcast the UčíTelka (Teaching TV) program. The aim of the group of authors was to analyze five parts of both programs broadcast in one week and then compare the results. In the theoretical part of the study, the authors characterize the broadcast during an emergency situation and present the examined programs. Subsequently, they are presenting an overview of television broadcasting during the mandatory quarantine in Slovakia in the children’s television JOJKO, which they divided into two categories: broadcasting focused on coronavirus and broadcasting focused on spending free time at home. In the research part, the authors carry out a qualitative analysis of the researched lectures with a focus on several aspects: visual design, tools used in the lecture, the role of the presenter and their performance, the overall contribution of the lesson in terms of topics and curriculum and interaction with viewers. They compare the results of both lectures and deduce the results of the analysis based on the findings. The result of the study is a comparison of the level, processing and benefits of lessons aimed to partially replace the teaching process of children and youth in primary schools in Slovakia and the Czech Republic at the time of emergency measures and quarantine caused by the COVID-19 virus.
Ekonomista
|
2021
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issue 5
577-603
PL
Kryzys spowodowany pandemią koronawirusa skłonił rządy i banki centralne do nieortodoksyjnych działań ukierunkowanych na ochronę standardu życia ludności oraz podtrzymywanie aktywności produkcyjnej i usługowej przedsiębiorstw. Polityka agresywnego zwiększania podaży pieniądza pociągnęła za sobą znaczący wzrost deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego. W tym kontekście ważne jest poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu może to wpłynąć na nasilenie się procesów inflacji oraz sformułowanie odpowiednich sugestii pod adresem polityki gospodarczej. Faktycznie inflacja już jest większa niż oficjalne wskaźniki wzrostu cen, ponieważ jest ona po części tłumiona. Wzrost ogólnego poziomu cen nie odzwierciedla w pełni rzeczywistego natężenia inflacji. Mamy do czynienia z inflacją cenowo-zasobową, shortageflation. Metodologicznie interesujące jest porównanie tego współczesnego fenomenu (3.0) z tłumieniem inflacji w gospodarce wojennej (1.0) oraz w gospodarkach państwowego socjalizmu (2.0). Takie porównania uwypuklają nie tylko podobieństwa tych procesów, lecz również istotne różnice wynikające ze specyfiki reakcji gospodarstw domowych i przedsiębiorstw. Autor omawia pięć kanałów rozładowywania nadmiernych zasobów pieniężnych, wskazując na najbardziej korzystne z punktu widzenia zrównoważonego rozwoju gospodarczego w popandemicznej przyszłości. Szczególne znaczenie ma stymulowanie przeradzania się części inflacyjnego zasobu pieniężnego w popyt rynkowy na towary i usługi zwiększający wykorzystanie istniejących mocy wytwórczych i inwestycje tworzące moce nowe oraz konwersja oszczędności wymuszonych w dobrowolne.
EN
The crisis caused by the pandemic has induced governments and central banks to undertake non-orthodox actions aimed at the protection of people's living standards and the maintenance of production and service activities of enterprises. The policy of the aggressive rise in money supply has resulted in a considerable increase in budget deficits and foreign debts. In this context, it is important to seek an answer to the question how this can accelerate inflationary processes and to formulate proper suggestions addressed to economic policy. In fact, inflation now is higher than the official price indices because it is partly dampened. The rise in the general price level does not reflect fully the actual intensity of inflation. We have to do with a price and resource inflation, called shortageflation. Methodologically, it is interesting to compare this contemporary phenomenon (3.0) with inflation suppression in a war economy (1.0) and in the economies of real socialism (2.0). Such comparisons show some similarities of these processes but also significant differences due to the specific reactions of households and enterprises. The author discusses five channels of liquidating the excessive money resources and indicates the ways most advisable from the point of view of the sustainable development in the post-pandemic future. Especially important is to stimulate the transformation of a part of the inflationary money surplus into the market demand for goods and services which increases the utilization of the existing production potential and leads to investments which create new production capacities as well as the conversion of compulsory savings into voluntary savings.
EN
In the age of social media, every second thousands of messages are exchanged. Analyzing those unstructured data to find out specific emotions is a challenging task. Analysis of emotions involves evaluation and classification of text into emotion classes such as Happy, Sad, Anger, Disgust, Fear, Surprise, as defined by emotion dimensional models which are described in the theory of psychology (www 1; Russell, 2005). The main goal of this paper is to cover the COVID-19 pandemic situation in India and its impact on human emotions. As people very often express their state of the mind through social media, analyzing and tracking their emotions can be very effective for government and local authorities to take required measures. We have analyzed different machine learning classification models, such as Naïve Bayes, Support Vector Machine, Random Forest Classifier, Decision Tree and Logistic Regression with 10-fold cross validation to find out top ML models for emotion classification. After tuning the Hyperparameter, we got Logistic regression as the best suited model with accuracy 77% with the given datasets. We worked on algorithm based supervised ML technique to get the expected result. Although multiple studies were conducted earlier along the same lines, none of them performed comparative study among different ML techniques or hyperparameter tuning to optimize the results. Besides, this study has been done on the dataset of the most recent COVID-19 pandemic situation, which is itself unique. We captured Twitter data for a duration of 45 days with hashtag #COVID19India OR #COVID19 and analyzed the data using Logistic Regression to find out how the emotion changed over time based on certain social factors
11
63%
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2020
|
vol. 11
|
issue 36
5-6
EN
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all aspects of life – political, economic, religious. It has led to millions of people being infected, a large number of deaths (in early December the number was approaching 1.5 million), severe health consequences for many of those who have survived the disease, and a powerful economic crisis resulting in tens of millions of people around the world losing their jobs. The health care system in most countries has been rocked to its core. Many countries’ introduction of measures aimed at preventing the spread of the disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2), especially those that limit the ability to move around in the public sphere and call for social distancing and mask wearing, has caused an explosion of social protests, an increased distrust of both the authorities who have introduced various restrictions and the scientists and healthcare workers who have recommended these restrictions, as well as an unprecedented flourishing of various conspiracy theories. Some of these theories go so far as to suggest that the pandemic is a creation or invention of those holding global power, who are now striving for the total and unprecedented enslavement of billions of people and complete control over all aspects of the lives of individuals and societies. These phenomena are felt particularly acutely in democratic states, which are inherently more sensitive to social tensions. For the pandemic has deepened the already existing crisis not only of democratic-liberal institutions, but also of the entire intellectual “spirit” of this socio-political formation.
PL
Pandemia Covid-19 wstrząsnęła wszystkimi aspektami naszego życia – politycznymi, ekonomicznymi, religijnymi etc. Miliony zakażonych, ogromna liczba zmarłych (na początku grudnia liczba ta zbliżała się do 1.5 miliona), dotkliwe konsekwencje zdrowotne dla wielu spośród uleczonych, potężny kryzys gospodarczy, owocujący między innymi utratą pracy przez dziesiątki milionów ludzi na całym świecie. Zachwiany został system opieki zdrowotnej w większości państw. Wprowadzenie przez większość państw działań mających na celu przeciwdziałanie rozprzestrzenianiu się choroby wywołanej przez wirus SARS-CoV-2 (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2), zwłaszcza tych, które ograniczają możliwość poruszania się w sferze publicznej i nakazują zachowywanie dystansu społecznego i noszenie masek, wywołało wybuch protestów społecznych, wzrost braku zaufania zarówno do władz wprowadzających różnorodne obostrzenia, jak i do przedstawicieli świata nauki i opieki zdrowotnej sugerujących te ograniczenia, a także niebywały wręcz rozkwit różnorodnych koncepcji spiskowych, sugerujących nawet to, że pandemia jest tworem bądź wymysłem środowisk sprawujących globalną władzę, które dążą do całkowitego i bezprecedensowego w dziejach zniewolenia miliardów ludzi i całkowitego zapanowania nad wszystkimi aspektami życia społeczeństw i jednostek.
12
63%
|
2020
|
vol. 11
|
issue 36
7-8
PL
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all aspects of life – political, economic, religious. It has led to millions of people being infected, a large number of deaths (in early December the number was approaching 1.5 million), severe health consequences for many of those who have survived the disease, and a powerful economic cri‑sis resulting in tens of millions of people around the world losing their jobs. The health care system in most countries has been rocked to its core. Many countries’ introduction of measures aimed at preventing the spread of the disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2), especially those that limit the ability to move around in the public sphere and call for social distancing and mask wearing, has caused an explosion of social protests, an increased distrust of both the authorities who have introduced various restrictions and the scientists and healthcare workers who have recommended these restrictions, as well as an unprecedented flourishing of various conspiracy theories. Some of these theories go so far as to suggest that the pandemic is a creation or invention of those holding global power, who are now striving for the total and unprecedented enslavement of billions of people and complete control over all aspects of the lives of individuals and societies. These phenomena are felt particularly acutely in democratic states, which are inherently more sensitive to social tensions. For the pandemic has deepened the already existing crisis not only of democratic-liberal institutions, but also of the entire intellectual “spirit” of this socio-political formation. The most spectacular exemplification of this phenomenon are the events surrounding the United States presidential election, which – in the opinion of some experts – may lead to a serious crisis in democratic procedures in the country considered the leader of the free world.
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2020
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vol. 11
|
issue 36
43-58
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to present in abbreviated form the possibility of limiting the freedoms as well as human and citizen rights in states of emergency according to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland published in 1997, to compare the possibilities with the solutions established in Poland during the COVID-19 pandemic and finally to assess the constitutionality of these regulations. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The arguments are based on content analysis of constitutional solutions which give the possibility to limit citizens’ rights and freedoms. It also analyses and legally evaluates the regulations adopted by the government during the pandemic. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The considerations have a twofold structure – the first part presents constitutional possibilities of limiting rights and freedoms in states of emergency based on the Constitution and subject literature. The second part discusses the restrictions on rights and freedoms established in Poland during the pandemic, with an attempt to critically analyse them in terms of compatibility with the Constitution. RESEARCH RESULTS: Although the Polish Constitution precisely defines the rules and possibilities of limiting the rights and freedoms in states of emergency, its regulations have not been applied in practice. Normative acts which were introducing restrictions during the pandemic raise very serious reservations from the point of view of their constitutionality. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Laws limiting rights and freedoms during the pandemic not only break the rules of the legal system and increase legislative chaos but also undermine citizens’ trust in the law. A lot of people have been fined for not respecting unconstitutional restrictions which, as a result, might lead to a series of claims for damages against the state. Polish post-pandemic society may no longer be as sure of the inviolability of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution.
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie w skrótowej formie możliwości ograniczania wolności i praw człowieka i obywatela w stanach nadzwyczajnych w ujęciu Konstytucji RP z 1997 roku, a następnie zestawienie z nimi rozwiązań przyjętych w Polsce w trakcie pandemii COVID-19 oraz próba oceny konstytucyjności tychże regulacji. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Wywód opiera się na analizie treści rozwiązań konstytucyjnych, limitujących możliwość ograniczania praw i wolności. Poddaje również analizie i ocenie prawnej unormowania przyjęte przez rządzących w czasie pandemii. PROCES WYWODU: Rozważania mają dwudzielną strukturę – w pierwszej części na podstawie ustawy zasadniczej i literatury przedmiotu omówiono konstytucyjne możliwości ograniczania praw i wolności w stanach nadzwyczajnych. W drugiej części omówiono ograniczenia praw i wolności wprowadzone w Polsce podczas pandemii, a także podjęto próbę ich krytycznej analizy względem zgodności z Konstytucją. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Chociaż polska ustawa zasadnicza precyzyjnie określa zasady i możliwości ograniczenia praw i wolności w stanach nadzwyczajnych, to jej unormowania nie znalazły zastosowania w praktyce. Akty normatywne, które wprowadzały ograniczenia w czasie pandemii, budzą bardzo poważne zastrzeżenia z punktu widzenia ich konstytucyjności. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Przepisy ograniczające prawa i wolności w trakcie pandemii nie tylko łamią zasady systemu prawnego i zwiększają chaos legislacyjny, ale także podważają zaufanie obywateli względem prawa. Wielu ukarano za nieprzestrzeganie niekonstytucyjnych ograniczeń, istnieje zatem ryzyko, że nastąpi szereg pozwów przeciw państwu o odszkodowania. Polskie społeczeństwo postpandemiczne może zatem nie być tak samo pewne jak niegdyś nienaruszalności praw i wolności gwarantowanych ustawą zasadniczą.
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2020
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vol. 11
|
issue 36
59-82
EN
SCIENTIFIC OBJECTIVE: The main research goal of these considerations is to determine in which of the Post Yugoslav countries it was decided to declare a state of emergency during time of deadly COVID-19 pandemic. PROBLEM AND RESEARCH METHODS: The state of emergency is created to protect: the security of citizens, the state system, public order. During the state of emergency, the proportions between human rights and the powers of the state change - in favour of state authorities. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, not all Post Yugoslav governments have declared a state of emergency. The following countries did so: Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia and Kosovo. In each of these countries, the declaration of a state of emergency was associated with political disputes. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article consists of an introduction in which the choice of the research topic was justified and the essence of the state of emergency was established. In the next four points, attention was drawn to the response to COVID-19 only to those Yugoslavian states (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Kosovo) in which a state of emergency was declared. RESEARCH RESULTS: Only in four out of seven Yugoslavian states the state of emergency was declared. In case of Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Kosovo, scheduled parliamentary election was postponed, for each of the countries it caused sharp political disputes, and in the case of Northern Macedonia the escalation of the conflict caused the resignation of the government. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The issues discussed are innovative, so far not discussed in the political literature. The question that remains intriguing is why not all governments in case of such a dangerous pandemic for human health and life as COVID-19 have not decided to declare a state of emergency.
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Naczelnym celem badawczym niniejszych rozważań jest ustalenie, w których z państw pojugosłowiańskich w obliczu śmiercionośnej pandemii COVID-19 zdecydowano się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE:  Stan wyjątkowy ma chronić: bezpieczeństwo obywateli, ustrój państwa, porządek publiczny. W okresie stanu wyjątkowego zmieniają się proporcje między prawami człowieka a uprawnieniami państwa – na korzyść władz państwowych. W obliczy pandemii COVID-19 nie wszystkie rządy państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłosiły stan wyjątkowy. Zrobiły to: Serbia, Bośnia i Hercegowina, Macedonia Północna oraz Kosowo. W przypadku każdego z wymienionych państw ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego wiązało się ze sporami politycznymi, dzieląc zarówno gremia polityków, jak i społeczeństwo. Spór toczył się głównie wokół przesunięcia terminu wyborów parlamentarnych Artykuł powstał przy wykorzystaniu metod badawczych właściwych dla dyscypliny nauki o polityce i administracji: case stady (wąskie ujęcie), analizy źródeł pierwotnych i metody komparatystycznej PROCES WYWODU: Artykuł składa się z wprowadzenia, w którym uzasadniono wybór tematu badawczego i ustalono istotę stanu wyjątkowego. W czterech kolejnych punktach zwrócona została uwaga na reakcję na COVID-19 tylko tych państwa pojugosłowiańskich (Serbię, Bośnię i Hercegowinę, Macedonię Północną, Kosowo), w których ogłoszono stan wyjątkowy. W rekapitulacji dokonano podsumowania, akcentując konflikty, które wynikły z ogłoszenia stanu wyjątkowego w państwach poddanych analizie. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Tylko w czterech spośród siedmiu państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłoszony został stany wyjątkowy. W Serbii, Macedonii Północnej i Kosowie przesunięte zostały wyznaczone kalendarzem wyborczym wybory parlamentarne, w przypadku każdego z tych państw wywołało to ostre spory polityczne, a w Macedonii Północnej wzbudzona na tym tle eskalacja konfliktu spowodowała dymisję rządu. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Omawiana problematyka jest innowacyjna, jak dotąd nie została przedstawiona w politologicznej literaturze przedmiotu. Intrygującym pozostaje pytanie, dlaczego nie wszystkie rządy państw (nie tylko pojugosłowiańskich) w obliczu tak groźnej dla zdrowia i życia ludzkiego pandemii, jaką jest COVID-19, nie zdecydowały się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego, który nadrzędne akty prawne (konstytucja) zwykły gwarantować.
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