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EN
The aim of this article is to identify the origin and meaning of the Latin zoological term calopus in the works of Thomas of Cantimpré and Czech medieval lexicographer Bartholomaeus de Solencia dictus Claretus. The name and the description of an unidentified quadruped similar to ibex has the origin in an early Christian writing Physiologus, which was written between the 2nd and 4th century AD in Alexandria. In the Latin versions of this work, there are varieties of the name of this animal, such as autolops, autolopus, antelups and more, which resulted in the name “antelope” in modern languages and the deformed name calopus in the encyclopaedia of Thomas of Cantimpré and in the glossary of Claretus.
EN
One of the significant differences between an early Christian writing Physiologus Graecus (it was written in the mid-4th century AD in Alexandria, and deals predominantly with animals) and Greek zoology is the former’s considerable focus on Egyptian fauna. Bearing this in mind, the authors of first essential monographs on Physiologus (e.g. Max Wellmann, Francesco Sbordone) have pointed out that some descriptions of the animals found in this treatise are similar to or even nearly identical with those in the Hieroglyphica, written in the 4th century AD by Horapollo. Moreover, a German Egyptologist Emma Brunner-Traut in her several papers tried to find specific connections between the treatment of certain animals in the Physiologus and the role of these animals in the Old Egyptian mythology, religion and art. Other scholars, however, did not continue to explore the Old Egyptian influence on the Physiologus: egyptologists have devoted their papers almost entirely to a description of the animals’ roles in the Old Egyptian culture, while studies by classicists and mediaevalists have focused on a tradition stemming from the ancient scientific literature. This paper tries to combine both of these sources of inspiration: taking the hoopoe (Physiologus Graecus, rec. I, 8; Physiologus Latinus, versio Y, B, Bis, 10) as an example, it tries to describe different views on a behaviour of this bird held by Greek and Roman scientists and by the author of the Physiologus, and it tries to specify to what degree the author could have been influenced by his surroundings where he was composing his treatise. A Greek name of the hoopoe, κουκούφα, is probably of an Egyptian origin; there existed a sign for the hoopoe in the hieroglyphic script (with a value of a phonogram); and the hoopoe was a plentiful bird in the Egyptian territory, as evidenced by his numerous representations on the mastabas of Egyptian dignitaries, either in his natural environment, or in interaction with people. Whereas the Horapollo’s treatment of the hoopoe concords with that in the Physiologus (the hoopoe being described as a bird that affectionatelly takes care of its aged parents), in Greek and Jewish tradition the hoopoe is seen rather negativelly as an unclean bird that dwells on the graves and rummages in excrements which he uses also for construction of its nest and as a food for its younglings. It is quite likely that the author of the Physiologus did not draw, in this case, on the scientific literature of ancient Greece, but was influenced by the considerable role the hoopoe played in the Egyptian culture and in everyday life of Egypt’s inhabitants.
EN
The myth of the phoenix in Orthodox Slavic literary tradition. Symbolism and interpretationLike the majority of medieval literature, the myth of the phoenix entered the Orthodox Slavic world through translations of Byzantine works. A survey of the texts preserved in the Slavic manuscript tradition shows that there are no works of ancient authors among them, and all works containing the story of the phoenix have an entirely Christian orientation. Not counting particular references to the phoenix in some medieval writings, which in most cases are excerpts or paraphrases made on Slavic soil, the complete story of its life, customs, death and renewal is attested in four main versions found in different types of books. These are the two earlier recensions of Physiologus – the Alexandrian and the Byzantine, a fragment of the Hexameron of Pseudo‑Eustathius and a text from the Tolkovaia Paleia. They differ in some details of their content as well as in their explanations. The function of each version of the myth of the phoenix corresponds to the specific context in which it is placed. The way in which the symbolic meaning of the wonderful bird changed over the centuries can be seen in the four variants of the story.In the Alexandrian version of the Physiologus, it refers directly to Jesus Christ and contains the most abstract Christological ideas of Christian dogma – the Incarnation of God, his death and resurrection. The phoenix of the Byzantine version embodies the idea of God’s resurrection and serves as a proof of its authenticity. In the fragment of Pseudo-Eustathius’ work, the bird symbolises the eschatological resurrection of the flesh, confirming the extension of God’s mercy to people. The phoenix in the Tolkovaia paleia refers to the new life in Heaven that awaits martyrs of Christianity. The Slavic versions of the myth of the phoenix reflect both themes focusing on its symbolism – the renewal of the time by starting a new epoch in human history, and the renewal of life after death which is both an end and a beginning.Mit o feniksie w słowiańskiej prawosławnej tradycji piśmienniczej. Symbolika i interpretacjaJak większość zabytków piśmiennictwa średniowiecznego mit o feniksie wszedł do słowiańskiego świata prawosławnego za pośrednictwem przekładów dzieł bizantyjskich. Analiza tekstów zachowanych w słowiańskiej tradycji rękopiśmienniczej pokazuje, że nie występują tu dzieła autorów starożytnych, zaś wszelkie teksty zawierające historię feniksa mają orientację całkowicie chrześcijańską. Nie licząc szczególnych odniesień do feniksa w niektórych pismach średniowiecznych, w większości przypadków stanowiących fragmenty lub parafrazy powstałe na gruncie słowiańskim, pełna historia jego życia, zwyczaje, śmierć i odrodzenie są poświad­czone w czterech podstawowych wersjach znajdujących się w różnych typach ksiąg. Są to: dwie wcześniejsze redakcje Fizjologa – aleksandryjska i bizantyjska, fragment Hexameronu Pseudo-Eustachego i tekst z Tolkovaia Paleia (Paleja komentowana). Różnią się one szczegółami w treści oraz jej objaśnieniach. Funkcja każdej z wersji mitu o feniksie odpowiada kontekstowi, w jakim został on umieszczony. Dzięki czterem tym wariantom można zobaczyć, w jaki sposób zmieniało się na przestrzeni wieków znaczenie symboliczne tego wspaniałego ptaka.Wersja z aleksandryjskiej redakcji Fizjologa odnosi się bezpośrednio do Jezusa Chrystusa i zawiera najbardziej abstrakcyjne idee chrystologiczne chrześcijańskiej dogmatyki – wcie­lenie Boga, Jego śmierć i zmartwychwstanie. Feniks w wersji bizantyjskiej ucieleśnia ideę zmartwychwstania Boga i służy jako dowód prawdziwości tego wydarzenia. W fragmencie dzieła Pseudo-Eustachego eschatologiczny ptak symbolizuje zmartwychwstanie ciała, potwierdzające rozciągnięcie miłosierdzia Bożego na ludzi. Symbolika feniksa w Tolkovaia paleia (Paleja komentowana) odnosi się do nowego życia w niebie, czekającego na chrześcijańskich męczenników. Wersje słowiańskie mitu o feniksie zawierają oba wątki koncentrujące się na jego symbolice – odnowienie czasu poprzez rozpoczęcie nowej epoki w historii ludzkości i odnowę życia po śmierci, będącej zarówno końcem, jak i początkiem.
XX
The article concerns the motif of beaver in the medieval literature. The first part of this study is an attempt at genetic criticism of the antique roots of this motif; we demonstrate a plurality of approaches to describing this animal and a profound connection of early Christian writings and ancient pagan texts. Furthermore, it is impossible to trace, with all certainty, the origins of this topos, as we have shown through source criticism of Aesop's Fables and The Histories of Herodotus. Physiologus and Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, taking from a selection of antique texts, the transformed motif of beaver, so as to adapt it to new guidelines. Since Physiologus was written, until the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, the ancient plurality of approaches to the description of this animal has been limited and adjusted to requirements of Christian writings. In addition, the analysis of the topos of beaver allowed the voicing an opinion on the subject of the still disputed origins of Physiologus. In the high Middle Ages, the discussion concerned the contradictions between marvellous early Christian literary tradition, the observations of Gerald of Wales and the rediscovered plurality of ancient approaches to zoology. The analysis of Itinerarium Cambriae and medieval encyclopedias along with iconographical material sheds a new light on the origins and functioning of the motif of beaver in medieval writing as well as medieval relations between human and nature in general.
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