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1

Only Prometheanism? The policy of the Polish state towards selected circles of the Russian emigration in the years 1926–1935

100%

Dryblak Ł.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2016

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vol. 51

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issue 1

PL

The article spans the period of 1926–1935, but the presentation of the Polish state policy towards chosen Russian exiles is set in the context of the Polish-Russian co-operation from 1920 to the 1926 May Coup and concludes with an epilogue about Jerzy Niezbrzycki’s cooperation with the members of the Polish branch of the NTS (The National Alliance of Russian Solidarists) in the second half of the 1930s. The author explores the questions of attitudes of the Second Division of the General Staff of the Polish Army and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (occasionally engaged at the same time in Promethean work and contacts with leading members of Russian emigrants in Poland and abroad) towards the Russian emigration. Thus, the article is to answer the questions of the significance of this diaspora to the Polish authorities and of the mechanisms of enlisting their support for the Polish state.The author has reached following conclusions: from the Polish perspective, Promethean activities did not automatically exclude the support for the Russian anti-communist movement, although in fact in the case of a majority of Prometheans it was limited to monitoring of activities of Russian organisations rather than cooperating with them. Contrary to opinions of some researchers, the cooperation with the Russians was not broken after the MOCR-Trust was revealed at the turn of the 1927, but was re-modelled. Often, the purpose of maintaining contacts with the Russians was to replace the activists inconvenient to the authorities with those who were loyal to them; such a policy brought about in the early 1930s the effect of consolidation of the Russian movement around the Polish state, and minimalised German and Soviet impact on it.The study is based on the analysis of the Russian press, memories, published documents and correspondence, as well as materials hold in the Central Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw, Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance and the online collection of the Józef Piłsudski Institute in New York and International Institute of Social History at Amsterdam.

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Wizerunki polityczne a literackie kreacje Wojciecha Korfantego. Zestawienie porównawcze

84%

Węgrzynek K., Hojka Z., Ruchniewicz M.

Zaranie Śląskie. Seria druga

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2023

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vol. 9

91-142

EN

The author analyses the images of Wojciech Korfanty created from the beginning of his political career until its end. He focuses on the portraits created in works of literature and journalism, confronting them with those created during political campaigns. He distinguishes five images depicting the Silesian politician in a favourable light (defender of the Upper Silesian people in the German Empire; plebiscite commissioner and insurrectionary leader; political leader in the Second Polish Republic; prisoner of the Polish Republic; Christian leader and defender of the Polish Alsatians) and five negative images (detriment to the interests of the Church, workers and the nation; disturber of the social order and fratricide; gravedigger of the uprising; enemy of Józef Piłsudski and his supporters; embezzler and pretend Christian politician). The author concludes that the changing images of Korfanty, including those created after his death, are a result of changing political narratives and cultural trends (apart from poems and novels, cartoon stories, theatre plays and feature films devoted to the Silesian politician were produced).

PL

Autor analizuje wizerunki Wojciecha Korfantego powstałe od początku jego kariery politycznej aż po jej koniec. Koncentruje się na portretach wykreowanych w dziełach literackich oraz publicystycznych, konfrontując je z tymi, które zostały wytworzone w czasie politycznych kampanii. Wyodrębnia pięć wizerunków, przedstawiających śląskiego polityka w korzystnym świetle (obrońca ludu górnośląskiego w II Rzeszy; komisarz plebiscytowy i powstańczy przywódca; lider polityczny w II Rzeczypospolitej; więzień Rzeczypospolitej; chadecki przywódca i obrońca polskich Alzatczyków) oraz pięć wizerunków negatywnych (szkodnik interesów Kościoła, robotników i narodu; mąciciel społecznego ładu i bratobójca; grabarz powstania; wróg Józefa Piłsudskiego i jego zwolenników; malwersant rzekomy chrześcijański demokrata). Autor konkluduje, iż zmieniające się wizerunki Korfantego, także te powstające po jego śmierci, wynikają ze zmieniających się narracji politycznych oraz tendencji kulturowych (obok wierszy i powieści powstały m.in. opowieści rysunkowe, spektakle teatralne oraz filmy fabularne poświęcone śląskiemu politykowi).

3

Czy tylko prometeizm? Polityka państwa polskiego wobec wybranych kół emigracji rosyjskiej w latach 1926–1935

67%

Dryblak Ł.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2016

|

vol. 51

|

issue 1

PL

Autor artykułu stawia sobie za zadnie przeanalizowanie polityki władz polskich względem emigrantów rosyjskich przebywających w Polsce, w latach 1926–1935 i znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie, na ile polityka ta różniła się od polityki prowadzonej we wcześniejszym okresie. Odpowiada również na pytanie, jakie były przyczyny zainteresowania władz polskich Rosjanami w kontekście polityki prometejskiej.

EN

The author sets himself a task of analysing policy of the Polish authorities towards the Russian emigrants in Poland in 1926–1935 and of answering the question in which way that policy differed from the one pursued in the earlier period. He also answers the question of what caused the interest of the Polish authorities in the Russians in the context of Promethean policy.

4

Obraz Rumunii we wspomnieniach Kazimiery Iłłakowiczówny. O tułaczce poetki w latach 1939-1947

67%

Walawander D.

Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne

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2014

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vol. 10

191-206

XX

Artykuł dotyczy wojennych losów Kazimiery Iłłakowiczówny, obejmuje lata 1939-1947- od ewakuacji pracowników Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych do Rumunii (w tym samej poetki) do momentu otrzymania przez kobietę paszportu pozwalającego na upragniony powrót do kraju. Artykuł powstał na podstawie szkiców, wspomnień i reportaży Iłłakowiczówny, przybliżających obraz Rumunii. Poetka podkreśla piękno rumuńskiego krajobrazu, wychwala zalety mieszkańców, ukazuje uczucia towarzyszące jej w obcym kraju. Rumunia zajmowała we wspomnieniach Iłłakowiczówny szczególne miejsce. Z jednej strony była kolejnym punktem jej „wędrówki z drugiej natomiast strony stała się jej bardzo bliska. Z wielkim zachwytem wspominała kraj charakteryzujący się bujną roślinnością, słynący z gościnności ludzi, gdzie mogła niedługo po śmierci Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego mogła wygłaszać odczyty dotyczące jego osoby i gdzie zostawiła cząstkę siebie. Iłłakowiczówna była dozgonnie wdzięczna za możliwość obcowania z rumuńską kulturą, językiem.

EN

The article concerns Kazimiera Iłłakowiczówna’s war experiences, covers the period from 1939 to 1947, from staff‘s evacuation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Romania (including the poet) to the moment of passport’s receipt, when she could come back to the country. The analysis is based on her sketches, memoirs and literary reportage about Romania. The poet highlighted the beauty of Romanian scenery, praised inhabitants’ virtues and showed her feelings in foreign country. Romania played an important role in Iłłakowiczówna’s memoirs. On the one hand was this country an important moment in her “wandering through life”, which caused sorrow and loneliness, but on the other, Romania was very close to her. Poet recollected the country with luxuriant flora, hospitality of its inhabitants. She gave there lectures on the Marshal Józef Piłsudski, after his death. She left in Romania a part of her own life. Iłłakowiczówna was grateful for opportunity to live there and commune with Romanian culture and language.

5

Литовский фактор в советско-польской войне

43%

Шубин А.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2022

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vol. 14

215-231

EN

The article examines the role of Lithuania in the struggle for the Eastern European region during the Soviet-Polish War of 1919–1920. The author shows that from the very beginning, from the first days of January 1919 and later until the autumn of 1920, the military conflict in the space between Warsaw, Kaunas and Minsk was trilateral, as Lithuania actively participated in it (not counting the participation of other forces north and south of the specified region). In 1919, Lithuanian troops acted against the Reds in a de facto alliance with the Poles. Soviet Russia pretended that it was not waging war with Poland and Lithuania, hiding behind formally independent Soviet Lithuania and Belarus, which in February 1919 were united into a single republic, abbreviated as Litbel; it was supposed to play the role of a “buffer” between Russia and Poland. The existence of Litbel excluded the recognition of a separate Lithuania by Soviet Russia. The Soviet-Polish-Lithuanian conflict developed in a territory where the formation of modern nations was far from complete, the borders were still plastic and ethnic interstices prevailed. There was a struggle of incompatible projects on this territory. The Soviet Federation opposed the federation project centered on Warsaw. But even in Poland, the desire to create a state with a Polish majority and non-Polish minorities without any federation or national autonomies was influential. The Lithuanian leadership in Kaunas sought to implement a similar project. At the same time, there was an irreconcilable contradiction between the national Polish and Lithuanian projects – the question of Vilna (Vilnius). The disappearance of the Soviet-Lithuanian front in January 1920 opened the possibility for the conclusion of the Soviet-Lithuanian peace. But its specific parameters depended on the course of the Soviet-Polish war. Under the conditions of the Red Army’s offensive on Vilna (Vilnius), the Lithuanian side agreed to sign peace on July 12, 1920, which was advantageous from a territorial point of view and actually turned Lithuania into a military ally of Soviet Russia. As a result of the defeat of the Red Army near Warsaw, Lithuania could not hold Vilnius, which, due to the position of the Entente, required a complex solution with the formation of a “Central Lithuania” joining Poland. But the Soviet side continued to support Lithuania’s claims to Vilnius, which determined the relatively warm Soviet-Lithuanian relations in the interwar period.

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2 Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

1 Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

1 Zaranie Śląskie. Seria druga

1 Zeszyty Naukowe Zbliżenia Cywilizacyjne

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2 2016

1 2014

2 Dryblak Ł.

1 Hojka Z.

1 Ruchniewicz M.

1 Walawander D.

1 Węgrzynek K.

1 Шубин А.

Only Prometheanism? The policy of the Polish state towards selected circles of the Russian emigration in the years 1926–1935

Wizerunki polityczne a literackie kreacje Wojciecha Korfantego. Zestawienie porównawcze

Czy tylko prometeizm? Polityka państwa polskiego wobec wybranych kół emigracji rosyjskiej w latach 1926–1935

Obraz Rumunii we wspomnieniach Kazimiery Iłłakowiczówny. O tułaczce poetki w latach 1939-1947

Литовский фактор в советско-польской войне