Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 12

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Plotyn
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The article is a brief survey of the view of Augustine on the contemplation of God from the point of view of the evolution of his thought, since the early period, when it was dominated by Plotinus and his Neoplatonism, until the mature phase, when the emphasis on the Scripture became much more signifi cant. Augustine’s mysticism seems to be a synthesis of a more metaphysical, Neoplatonic experience of God as the ground of being with a relational, love mysticism, based on the experience of God as “Thou”. Even though the relational dimension is present in Augustine’s mysticism from the very beginning it becomes much more important in his later works.
EN
The purpose of the paper is to examine the role of the senses in contempla­tion in Book Seven and Nine of Augustine’s Confessions. The bishop of Hippo’s conception of contemplation is deeply influenced by Plotinus, especially in the early period, and this influence is present e.g. in the distiniguishing of two forms of contemplation: the one in which all sensible objects are eliminated from aware­ness and the one in which they are present or used as a medium of contempla­tion. A method which leads to contemplation in which the senses are completely absent is the Plotinian method of „agnoetic meditation”. The method appears in Augustine as well, both in Book Seven and Book Nine. The forms of the contem­plation of God, which are described there, do not involve the senses, and their sole object is God. It generates a paradoxical situation especially in the vision of Ostia, where the „beyond body” contemplation is impossible to reconcile with the resurrection of the body and seeing God in the body. Augustine does not solve the paradox which is of a great importance, since it shows the tension between Platonic philosophy and Christian revelation.
EN
The four cardinal virtues (prudence, moderation, justice and bravery) are frequently mentioned in the writings by the Bishop of Caesarea. Basil, as a theologian, writes about them in the context of Christian ethic and moral principles. The cardinal virtues are to help human beings achieve salvation, which is the main aim in the life of every confessor of Christ. Thus, one can say that these virtues are christocentrically directed. Basil based his analyses mainly on the ethical ideas of Plato, Aristotle and Plotinus. However, as a Christian intellectual, h4e went far beyond the scheme of these four virtues suggested by the Greek thinkers. The article consists of two parts. The first part contains mainly bibliographical information on the meaning of two notions: ἀρετή and virtus. The second part is the analysis of cardinal virtues in Basil’s writings and connections of Bishop of Caesarea’s aretology with Greek philosophy. Also here a lot of space is devoted to bibliographical information contained in the footnotes. In this way the article fulfils two functions: on one hand it gives the reader a useful bibliography, while on the other it presents the idea of cardinal virtues on the basis of the writings by Basil of Caesarea. 
PL
Cztery cnoty kardynalne (roztropność, umiarkowanie, sprawiedliwość i męstwo) są często wspominane w pismach biskupa Cezarei. Bazyli jako teolog pisze o nich w kontekście chrześcijańskich zasad etyczno-moralnych. Cnoty kardynalne mają pomóc człowiekowi w osiągnięciu zbawienia, które jest głównym celem życia każdego wyznawcy Chrystusa. Można więc powiedzieć, że cnoty te są ukierunkowane chrystocentrycznie. Bazyli oparł swe analizy przede wszystkim na etycznych koncepcjach Platona, Arystotelesa i Plotyna. Jednak jako intelektualista chrześcijański wyszedł daleko poza schemat czterech cnót proponowany przez tych myślicieli greckich. Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. Część pierwsza zawiera głównie informacje bibliograficzne na temat znaczenia dwóch pojęć: ἀρετή i virtus. Druga część analizuje cnoty kardynalne w pismach Bazylego oraz związki aretologii  biskupa Cezarei z filozofią grecką. Również i tutaj wiele miejsca poświęcono informacjom bibliograficznym,  które umieszczono w przypisach. W ten sposób artykuł spełnia dwie funkcje: z jednej strony daje czytelnikowi użyteczną bibliografię, z drugiej zaś przedstawia koncepcję cnót kardynalnych na bazie pism Bazylego z Cezarei. 
EN
The starting point of the article is a critical analysis of the possible interpretations of the famous excerpt of Enn. IV 8[6],1,1–11, on the basis of which the image of the ecstasy of Plotinus as a momentary rapture, which Plotinus apparently experienced a certain number of times in his life, was formed. In the next part of the article this analysis becomes a pretext for considering, on the one hand, the elements which show the closely philosophical, rational character of the Plotinian system, yet on the other hand the irrational elements appearing in the text of Enneads. The author also tackles the problem of the continuity of the irrational component of Neoplatonic tradition. In this way she tries to answer the question whether Postplotinian Neoplatonism – sinking to irrationalist positions – broke with the rationalist premises of the philosophy of Plotinus, or, on the contrary, has its basis in certain philosophical assumptions which develop Plotinus’ views.
EN
Understanding the human soul was one of the basic problems discussed by ancient philosophers. The most important issue concerning the relation of the soul to the human body was widely considered in Plato’s dialogues. Discussion of this issue arose once again among Neoplatonists during the last period of pagan philosophy. In Plotinus’ Enneads and the writings of his pupils we can observe that discussion of the nature of the soul and its relationship to body is linked to the problem of how the soul can be individual. Plotinus underlined the perfection of the soul and diminished the role of the human body and at the same time he explained the origins of intellectual reality by the theory of procession of hypostases. As a result he claimed that the primal state of the soul is hypostasis of the soul, which leads to monopsychism, which in the case of Plotinus was neither clear nor radical. It was his pupil, Amelius, who formulated the radical monopsychic idea. At the same time, the second of Plotinus’ closest pupils, Porphyry, made an attempt to reconcile the individuality of the soul with its almost absolute independence of the body. The growing influence of Aristotle and his theory of the substantial unity of the body and soul made the rejection of monopsychism possible. This influence most notable in the writings of Iamblichus, who agreed first, that connection with the body is substantial. His accordance with Aristotle was possible only thanks to theurgical rites, practiced by neoplatonic philosophers. The idea of substantial unity caused inevitable claims of the mortality of the soul united in this way with the body. Nevertheless, thanks to theurgical rites, immortality could be regained and the individual character of the human soul could be claimed without rejecting its immortality. Although monopsychism did not return in Neoplatonism, it did resurface in some form in the writings of Arabic medieval thinkers, who were well acquainted with neoplatonic commentaries on Aristotle.
PL
Zagadnienie duszy ludzkiej stanowi jeden z podstawowych problemów dyskutowanych przez starożytnych filozofów. Najważniejsze aporie dotyczyły tego, jaka jest relacja duszy do ciała i zostały po raz pierwszy wyraźnie sformułowane w dialogach Platona. Dyskusja na ten temat ożywa w ostatnim okresie istnienia filozofii pogańskiej – w nurcie neoplatońskim. Rozważania Plotyna i jego uczniów pokazują, że problem ten bardzo mocno łączy się z zagadnieniem indywidualności ludzkiej duszy. Podkreślanie doskonałości duszy i umniejszanie roli ludzkiego ciała, przy jednoczesnym wprowadzeniu pochodzenia, jako wyjaśnienia sposobu istnienia duchowego świata, doprowadziło w filozofii Plotyna do stwierdzenia, że dusza w istocie jest jedną duchową hipostazą. Pogląd ten zwany monopsychizmem jest u Plotyna jeszcze niewyraźny, jednak jego uczeń Ameliusz przedstawi go w bardziej radykalnej postaci. Jednocześnie drugi z najbliższych uczniów Plotyna – Porfiriusz podkreślając niezależność duszy od ciała, będzie szukał pogodzenia takiego twierdzenia z traktowaniem duszy na sposób indywidualny. Dokonuje się to w dużej mierze dzięki powiększaniu się wpływu filozofii Arystotelesa. Wpływ ten osiągnie swoją największą intensywność w pismach ucznia Porfiriusza – Jamblicha, który jako pierwszy pośród neoplatoników stwierdzi, że połączenie duszy z ciałem jest substancjalne. Pociąga to jednak za sobą konieczność przyznania, że dusza ludzka po przyjęciu ciała jest śmiertelna i może odzyskać swoją nieśmiertelność tylko dzięki praktykowaniu przez filozofa rytów teurgicznych. Choć w pismach neoplatoników ostatecznie zwycięża pogląd, że dusza ludzka jest indywidualna, to jednak monopsychizm w mniej radykalnej postaci powróci jeszcze w dziełach filozofów arabskich, którzy korzystali z neoplatońskich komentarzy do dzieł Arystotelesa.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Augustine’s Socratic method

58%
EN
The article discusses a seldom investigated problem of Socrates’s influence on Augustine’s intellectual development. It is shown that Augustine started with an intense use of the Socratic method utilizing its elenctic and maieutic questioning to expose the truth hidden in the soul. Also, just as the Socratic method led to ontological developments in Plato and Plotinus, it led Augustine to the development of his Christian ontology.
Vox Patrum
|
2014
|
vol. 61
441-456
EN
Well known sentence fides quaerens intellectum often mentioned by St. Au­gustine of Hippo and very popular in medieval theology is often understood in such a way, that act of faith must be prior to rational cognition. Faith is under­stood in this sentence, as acceptance of Christian Revelation and natural cognition seems to be impossible without prior act of faith. The purpose of this article is to show, that faith or belief is present in the writings of pagan philosophers (especially Plato and Plotinus) as the necessary stage of the process of cognition. It can be seen especially in the context of philosophical life understood as seeking happiness. To enter the path of philosophical life it is necessary for the pupil to listen and believe in the words of the master. Pupil believing in authority of the master must obtain the conviction, that entering the path of the true philosophy is worth the effort and that it is possible to have the higher understanding and knowledge. At the end of the path belief disappears, because pupil can penetrate the higher truth and understand it himself. Analysis of mutual relation of faith and understanding in pagan philos ophers shows that it is not sufficient to point out the priority of faith to classify Christian writers (especially St. Augustine) as theo­logians rather then philosophers, since this sequence could occur at natural level.
PL
Artykuł dedykowany jest profesorowi Mieczysławowi Boczarowi. Dotyczy problematyki nicości i horroru filozoficznego (religijnego, metafizycznego) oraz odniesienia tej problematyki do myśli sceptyków i stoików, a zwłaszcza do filozofii Plotyna. Filozofia starożytna – szczególnie w swym wczesnym i klasycznym okresie – skutecznie potrafiła ominąć zagrożenie horrorem za sprawą jej optymizmu poznawczego, dominacji pojęcia natury (wraz z takimi bliskimi pojęciami jak: kosmos, konieczność, los), przekonania o odwieczności istnienia. Również hellenistyczna filozofia życia, choć wyrastała z sytuacji kryzysu, to jej przedmiotem był nie ów kryzys, ale kryzysu przezwyciężenie, ominięcie, a mówiąc najdokładniej – zredukowanie. To dopiero filozofia Plotyna w pewnej przynajmniej mierze otwiera się na problematykę horroru i nicości. Kryzys, pęknięcie świata nie było tu przezwyciężane w jakiejś wizji trwałego, substancjalnego bytu, ale rozwinięte w nicość, a dokładniej: w pojęcie zawierające moment nicości (czy nie-bytu).
EN
The article is dedicated to professor Mieczysław Boczar. It concerns the issues of nothingness and philosophical horror (religious, metaphysical), as well as relating these issues to the thoughts of Skeptics and Stoics, especially to the philosophy of Plotinus. Ancient philosophy – especially in its early and classical period – was able to successfully avoid the threat of horror due to its cognitive optimism, the dominance of the concept of nature (along with such related concepts as: cosmos, necessity, fate), and beliefs about the eternity of existence. Even the Hellenistic philosophy of life, although it grew out of a crisis situation, its subject was not that crisis, but overcoming, bypassing, and most precisely – reducing this crisis. It is only the philosophy of Plotinus that, at least to some extent, opens up to the problems of horror and nothingness. The crisis, the rupture of the world is not overcome here in some vision of a permanent, substantial being, but developed into nothingness, or more precisely: into a concept containing a moment of nothingness (or non-being).
EN
Beauty, as one of the key concepts of classical philosophy and affirmed by Christianity, is subject to further evolution. In its hierarchy, as Plato stressed, it rises from the physicality through actions and laws up to the truth that reveals beauty in and of itself – unchanging and eternal. Plotinus believed in the beauty of things from their presence in the ideal, which is true Oneness. Higher areas of beauty can be seen only by the soul. The culmination of Beauty as recognized Plotinus is the highest Beauty and the supreme Good in itself that gives everything and loses nothing. According to the theory of emanation, beauty also passes into deeds and cultivated activities, especially art, which as a tool portrays and reveals the essence of things. Participation in giving form to eternal beauty is possible because a man, an artist, has a vision of eternal ideas. Plotinus established a hierarchy of those, who because of their predispositions are able to advance and discover the beauty of the divine mind: musician – aficionado – philosopher. This three-stage initiation was transformed by Pseudo-Dionysius into the concept of the celestial hierarchy and the Church hierarchy. Together, they form the way to know God’s Truths. Highest beings receive the doctrine of God’s miracles by means of illumination. Next, they pass it down to the lower hierarchies so that they can glorify and receive God according to their predispositions. In this way, says Dionysius, the texts of the Bible provide the people with hymns, sung by the angels of the highest hierarchy in which was revealed the greatness of their extraordinary light. Hymns and canticles which are sung by the Church are a reflection of the spiritual hymns from the celestial hierarchy. According to Dionysius, any other being participates in beauty because it comes from God, and therefore it can become a source of the most profound contemplation. The concept of Plotinus implies breaking down barriers in the quest to catch a glimpse of beauty, suitable to lead both the musician, the artist, and the lover, so that they can see the true beauty. For Dionysius, the musician is a recipient and utterer of the beauty which is contained in the eternal, heavenly hymns. His faith makes him a tool of God, and he becomes a humble hymnist.
PL
Piękno, jako jedno z kluczowych pojęć filozofii klasycznej, przejęte przez chrześcijaństwo, podlegało dalszej ewolucji. W swej hierarchii, jaką kreślił Platon, piękno wznosi się od cielesności poprzez czyny i prawa aż do prawdy, która odsłania piękno samo w sobie – niezmienne i wieczne. Plotyn uzależniał piękno rzeczy od ich udziału w idei będącej prawdziwą jednością. Wyższe rejony piękna postrzegane mogą być jedynie przez duszę. Punktem kulminacyjnym piękna w ujęciu Plotyna jest Arcypiękno i najwyższe Dobro samo w sobie, które dając wszystko, nie bierze i nie ujmuje sobie niczego. Zgodnie z teorią emanacji to piękno przechodzi również na czyny i uprawiane zajęcia, w tym przede wszystkim sztukę, traktowaną jako narzędzie ukazywania idei, odsłaniającą istotę rzeczy. Udział w odwzorowywaniu piękna wiecznego jest możliwy, bo człowiek – artysta – chociaż stworzony ze zmieszanych substancji, posiada odblask wiecznych idei. Plotyn ustalił hierarchię tych, którzy ze względu na swoje predyspozycje, zdolni są odbyć drogę wzwyż i odkryć arcypiękno boskiego Rozumu. Są nimi: muzyk – miłośnik – filozof. Ta trójstopniowa inicjacja została przez Pseudo-Dionizego przekształcona w koncepcję hierarchii niebiańskiej i odpowiadającą jej koncepcję hierarchii kościelnej. Wspólnie tworzą one drogę do poznania boskich Prawd. Najwyższe substancje odbierają naukę o cudach bożych drogą iluminacji i dalej przekazują ją w dół, niższym hierarchiom, by i one mogły otwierać się na wysławianie i przyjęcie Boga, stosownie do swoich predyspozycji. W ten sposób, stwierdza Pseudo-Dionizy, teksty Pisma przekazały ludziom hymny śpiewane przez Anioły najwyższej hierarchii, w których ukazana została cała wielkość ich niezwykłej światłości. Hymny i kantyki śpiewane przez Kościół są więc odbiciem hymnów pochodzących z hierarchii niebiańskiej. Według Pseudo-Dionizego każdy byt, ponieważ pochodzi od Boga, partycypuje w pięknie, dlatego może stać się źródłem najpiękniejszych kontemplacji. Koncepcja Plotyna zakłada przełamywanie barier w dążeniu do ujrzenia piękna, odpowiednie poprowadzenie muzyka i miłośnika, aby mogli oni ujrzeć prawdziwe piękno. U Dionizego muzyk jest odbiorcą i przekazicielem piękna zawartego w wiecznych, niebiańskich hymnach. Jego wiara sprawia, że staje się bożym narzędziem, pokornym hymnografem.
Vox Patrum
|
2006
|
vol. 49
495-510
EN
This paper concerns literary sources of the homily Quod Deus non est auctor malorum, written by St. Basil the Great in 369 AD. St. Basil never named his sources, but lexical analysis shows both influences of the philosophical writers (Plato, Stoics, Plotinus) and the Alexandrian theologians (Clemens of Alexandria, Origen). This homily deals with four problems: 1) the cause of evil, 2) two different kinds of evil: sin (injustice) and misery, 3) the Divine therapy of the ”curable” sinners, 4) the State of „incurable” sinners (the Heli). Ali these items imply the Platonic allegory rendering injustice (that is, sin) as a corporeal sickness or illness.
Vox Patrum
|
2017
|
vol. 67
437-475
EN
Many historians of ideas – philosophers and theologians – believe that the first thinker to introduce the concept of a positive understanding of the infinite­ness of God was Plotinus. In Greek philosophy, however, something infinite was understood as “unfinished” and therefore “imperfect”. All the same, according to many scholars, Christianity took the concept of the infiniteness of God precisely from the founder of neo-Platonism. One of the reasons for which researchers of the doctrines of the ancient world persist in this thesis even today is the fact that, in the writings of Origen – who lived at the time of Plotinus – we find the expres­sions which might give readers the impression that God’s power is finite, since God brought into existence a finite number of created beings. This article argues that this widely-held interpretation is wrong. Philo and Clement, a Jewish and a Christian thinker, both of Alexandria – from whose doctrines Origen borrowed abundantly – wrote of an infinite God before Origen did. In the surviving works of Origen, moreover, he nowhere states explicitly that God’s power is finite, although it is true that, according to him, God created a finite number of creatures. The con­troversial thesis of a finite God is found only in fragments written by ancient cri­tics of Origen’s teaching. A detailed analysis of Origen’s own original pronounce­ments on the nature, power and knowledge of God leads one to the conclusion that the fragments that have led many historians of ideas into confusion, either do not represent the views of Origen himself or present Origen’s teachings inaccu­rately. Moreover, in Origen’s surviving Greek writings, we find the term ¥peiron used in reference to God. This is precisely the term used by Greek philosophers to designate infinity. We may posit, then, that the concept of the infiniteness of God, positively understood, was born of the encounter of Greek philosophy with the Bible – that is, with the Jewish and Christian doctrines of the first centuries of the common era. Origen, who came slightly later, continued the thought of his predecessors and does not contradict them anywhere in his surviving works. What remains to be examined is the question of whether Plotinus himself made use of the work of Jewish and Christian thinkers in forming his doctrine of an infinite God, rather than those thinkers leaning on Plotinus, as is usually assumed.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.