Search results

1

Atrakcyjność inwestycyjna Polski w latach 1990–2016 – trendy, struktura i perspektywy

100%

Sporek T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2017

|

issue 4

95-118

EN

Poland in recent years is the leader in attracting foreign investment among the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Investment attractiveness of our country, according to many studies, is assessed very high (according to the Ernst & Young European Attractiveness Report in 2016 Poland’s economy 2 place in the ranking), mainly due to a highly skilled workforce. An important component of the investment attractiveness, often emphasized by the investors themselves, is legal and transparency of the Polish legal system in recent years, and the answer to the question whether the Polish legal system is a improving element or rather a threat to the investment attractiveness of the country. The research is based, interalia, on the analysis of the Worldwide Governance Indicator index assessing the institutional environment of countries.

2

Политическая культура польского общества

100%

Garlicki J.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2013

|

issue 30

68-94

EN

The text is devoted to the political culture of the Polish society after 1989. To show its specificity, the historic models of the political culture of the Polish society were referred to: both from the period of the First Republic of Poland and from the time of the People’s Republic of Poland. From the historic perspective a thesis is put forward that new significant phenomena emerged in the political culture of the Polish society after 1989. Certain values and behaviour models stimulate reforms of the system and favour the shaping of consolidated democracy, while others have a dysfunctional impact. On the example of trust in public institutions it may be stated that changes in the political culture took place within the axiological and the evaluative-affective components. The citizens’ expectations towards politicians rose and their criticism in assessing them increased. This might be a factor stimulating the improvement of the quality of democracy. For some time, a certain crisis of public confidence could be seen in the Polish parliamentary system. This is the more negative side of the ongoing processes. This does not mean, however, that the Polish society rejects pluralist democracy with its mechanisms. A huge part of the political elites is negatively assessed. In the opinion of many citizens they do not fulfill the standards required by the well-developed parliamentary democracy. The role of the new media in political communication is increasing and this will be a factor influencing the political culture. New opportunities should potentially favour the processes of improving the functioning of the democratic system, e.g. by stimulating the public debate. At the moment, however, it is more likely that the increasing use of the Internet in the field of politics as well as the development of the political culture will follow the scenario called technorealism. The people who are active in a variety of domains of social life, involving the field of politics, and who use the Internet will have greater and better opportunities to both obtain and create the information concerning politics. The people who are not very active and who are not interested in politics will not be encouraged by the Internet either to get interested in this field of social life or to participate therein. Besides, a considerable group of citizens still does not use the Internet. It may be called a group of digital marginalization. For them the opportunities of political information and participation provided by the new media are still Utopia.

3

L’IMPACT DE LA GRANDE GUERRE SUR LA SITUATION POLITIQUE EN FRANCE ET EN POLOGNE

100%

GRYGORCZYK E.

Civitas et Lex

|

2018

|

issue 2(18)

51-59

EN

This article is entitled Impact of the First World War on the political situation in France and in Poland. The author focuses on the analysis and comparison of the political situation in France and Poland after the First World War. She describes the changes that have taken place in the field of politics in France and Poland during the interwar years. The aim of the article is to prove that the First World War had a different impact on the political situation in France and in Poland.

4

Political Culture of Polish Society

100%

Garlicki J.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2014

|

vol. 31

64-88

EN

New phenomena have appeared in the political culture of the Polish society and they have both good and bad sides. Certain values and models of behaviour are the factors that stimulate the system reforms and promote the formation of consolidated democracy, while some have dysfunctional effects. It can be said on the example of trust in public institutions that changes in political culture have occurred within the axiological and evaluative-affective component. The citizens’ demands towards politicians increased and criticism in assessing them grew. This can be a factor stimulating the quality of democracy. A certain temporary crisis in social trust in Polish parliament can be felt. This is the worse side of the ongoing processes. However, this does not mean that Polish society rejects pluralistic democracy and its mechanisms. On the other hand, a considerable part of the political elites are assessed negatively since – in the opinion of many citizens – they do not meet the standards required by developed parliamentary democracy. The role of the new media in political communication is growing and this is going to be a factor affecting political culture. The new possibilities should potentially facilitate the processes of improving the way of the functioning of the democratic system, if only through stimulating the public debate. However, at present it is more likely that the growth of the Internet use in the sphere of politics and the development of political culture will proceed according to a scenario called technorealism. It means that people who are active in various domains of social life, including the sphere of politics, and who use the Internet will have bigger and better chances to acquire and create information on political subjects. The possibilities of the Internet, on the other hand, will not make people who are not very active and who are not interested in politics get interested in this sphere of social life and participate in it. Besides, a considerable part of the citizens do not use the Internet. This group can be called a group of digital marginalization. For them, the possibilities of information and political participation created by the new media are still a utopia.

5

JOACHIM OSIŃSKI, Państwo w warunkach globalnego kryzysu ekonomicznego. Przyczynek do teorii państwa

100%

Tarnawski E.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2018

|

vol. 49

294-298

EN

The ideology of the free market, at the beginning of the transformation was used in a propagandistic manner that was similar to the one used in the communist period of the Polish history. The Author presents a convincing polemic debate with the neoliberal dogmas and myths. The Book also includes the lessons learnt from the Icelandic banking crisis that are relevant for any constitutional reformer. Finally, it offers a suggestive prospect to increase the efficacy of the Polish State.

6

L’IMPACT DE LA GRANDE GUERRE SUR LA SITUATION ÉCONOMIQUE EN FRANCE ET EN POLOGNE

100%

GRYGORCZYK E.

Civitas et Lex

|

2018

|

issue 3(19)

37-45

EN

This article is entitled Impact of the First World War on the economical situation in France and in Poland and is focused on the analysis and comparison of the economy of France and of Poland after the First World War. The author describes the changes that have taken place in the field of economy in France and Poland during the interwar years. The aim of the article is to prove that the First World War had a different impact on the economical situation in France and in Poland.

7

Prawne i polityczne aspekty odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej w Polsce po 1989 roku

100%

Zaleśny J.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2013

|

issue 28

180-199

EN

The subject of my paper is the functioning of constitutional responsibility in Poland after 1989 in its political and legal aspects. The issue which is fundamental from the point of view of the effectiveness of the state’s decision support systems is responsibility of the highest public officials. A characteristic feature of the state, which is visible irrespective of the accepted form of government, should be the shaping of the authorities responsible for the decisions made. Although the parliament assumes that the highest public officials realize the tasks that they have been entrusted with in the way that is consistent with law, at the same time – being the rational legislator – they should support their conviction with a system of legal guarantees. The latter should lead to the politically desirable goal through which the political authority is to be formed.

8

INTEGRATED IT SYSTEMS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON MANAGING THE FINANCES

100%

Litwin D.

Finansowy Kwartalnik Internetowy e-Finanse

|

2013

|

vol. 9

|

issue 4

52-63

EN

This paper describes the properties and components of integrated hospital IT systems, and the correlations of those comprehensive systems with the use of tools supporting financial management of the units. The first part discusses the essence of Integrated IT Systems and attempts to apply the system’s logic to the traditional model of hospital functioning. The second part analyses current information about IT sector trends and possible applications of modern technologies in healthcare units. The third part of the paper discusses the potential of computerising the medical sector as an element of helping hospitals function more effectively.

9

Nauki o mediach. Prekursorzy – ojcowie założyciele – medioznawcy i mediolodzy

100%

Goban-Klas T.

Zeszyty Prasoznawcze

|

2013

|

vol. 56

|

issue 1

11-25

EN

The decision of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of August 8, 2011 on including the media studies in the register of scientific disciplines in Poland, seems to be an opportunity to recall the precursors, the names of founding fathers of communication research, and current schools of developing theory and empirical investigations in this field.

10

Pierwsze polskie konkordaty (do czasów rozbiorów)

88%

Osuchowska M.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2012

|

vol. 23

143-160

EN

The article concentrates on the extensive discussion relating first Polish concordats, implemented before the partitions. The contents of the concordats were the reflection of the then Holy See policy towards Poland. This article aims to present concordats from the historical point of view as documents regulating bilateral relations between Holy See and Poland.

11

Теоретико-правовые вопросы ответственности Президента Республики Польша

88%

Залесны Я.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2016

|

vol. 40

179-199

EN

The text presents the legal responsibility of the President of the Republic of Poland. Three types of presidential responsibilities have been analyzed: a constitutional, a criminal and a civil one. The paper shows that the specific aspects of the President’s responsibility – in particular a complex manner of its implementation – result in the fact that during the time of the presidency, the Polish President practically is neither constitutionally nor criminally accountable. He / she only holds a civil responsibility.

12

Эволюция институтов гражданского общества в Польше на примере развития системы местного самоуправления

88%

Глебов В. А., Макухин А. В.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2017

|

vol. 44

291-299

EN

The article deals with the process of transformation of civil society in the Republic of Poland in the period of transition from the regime of “people’s democracy” to the multiparty parliamentary system. Another point – it is influence and the relationship between the process of institution-making of the Polish civil society and reform of an effective system of local self-government.

13

Konsekwencje gospodarcze wyroku Federalnego Trybunału Konstytucyjnego RFN w przedmiocie pierwszeństwa prawa UE

88%

Orłowski W. M.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2020

|

issue 3(67)

141-148

EN

The subject of the opinion is a judgment issued by the German Federal Constitutional Court regarding the program of purchase of public sector assets on secondary markets conducted by the European Central Bank in 2015–2018. The opinion concerns only the economic aspects of the FCC judgment, in particular the impact on the current and future economic situation of the euro area, the monetary policy pursued, the competences of the European Central Bank, as well as the potential impact on the Polish economy.

14

Besarabia w relacjach Konsulatu Polskiego w Kiszyniowie w okresie międzywojennym w świetle dokumentacji zachowanej w Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie

88%

Tărîţă M.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

|

2014

|

vol. 21

245-264

EN

The study capitalizes on the documents from the fund nr. 487 of the Archiwum Akt Nowych – The Embassy of the Polish Republic at Bucharest (1919-1940). Aside the embassy documents, it also draws on correspondence and the reports of the Polish Consulate from Chisinau, during the interwar period. The author pays attention to such aspects as economical life, the observation of the Press, the Polish communities which had churches and/or schools and other institutions. During the period studied at Chisinau the following people held Consulate positions: the Consul Cywiński (1919-1922), Viceconsul Ossolińsky (1923-1924), Consul Świerzbiński (1925-June 1929), Consul Uzdowski (from June 1929 until 1932?) and the last was Sandon de Poncet (until 1940). The study has 14 attachments from the folders nr. 71, 314, 321, 323 and 327 of the fund 487.

15

Wybrane problemy bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państwa

75%

Misiuk A., i inni i. i.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2014

|

vol. 34

1-418

PL

Tom „Studiów Politologicznych” poświęcony jest problematyce bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państwa, która jeszcze nie gościła na łamach tego periodyku. Od niedawna stanowi ona integralną część nowej dyscypliny naukowej – nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Nie świadczy to jednak, że jej dorobek jest skromny. W dzisiejszych czasach tempo rozwoju nauki jest ogromne, wynikające ze zmieniającego się świata i potrzeb praktyki. Współczesny świat nie jest pozbawiony odczuwanych i realnych zagrożeń, których genezy należy upatrywać w napięciach politycznych, ekonomicznych, nacjonalizmie, antagonizmach etnicznych czy religijnych. Sprzeczność i zróżnicowanie interesów generują niebezpieczeństwa o wielorakim charakterze: od konfliktów zbrojnych i zamachów terrorystycznych do przestępczości pospolitej i zorganizowanej, ekscesów chuligańskich, infekowania systemów informatycznych czy korupcji. Oprócz niebezpieczeństw wywoływanych postawą i działalnością człowieka, niebagatelnego znaczenia dla bezpieczeństwa nabierają też kataklizmy naturalne. Proces globalizacji powoduje, że również zagrożenia o charakterze międzynarodowym szybko stają się realnym niebezpieczeństwem destabilizującym bezpieczeństwo krajowe bądź lokalne. W związku z tym wyspecjalizowane instytucje państwowe powinny być przygotowane, aby zapobiegać tego rodzaju zagrożeniom, a w razie ich zaistnienia − podjąć działania prewencyjne i represyjne. Jedną z podstawowych potrzeb ludzkich jest poczucie bezpieczeństwa osobistego, dlatego też pierwotną funkcją administracji państwowej była funkcja reglamentacyjno-policyjna. Już w początkach istnienia instytucji państwa można odnaleźć pierwowzory współczesnej administracji, zajmującej się ochroną porządku i ładu publicznego. Służby porządkowe przeszły długą drogę ewolucji − od podmiotów o bardzo szerokim zakresie działania do bardzo wyspecjalizowanych. Współczesne państwa dysponują rozbudowaną administracją publiczną, która w dużej części wykonuje zadania z zakresu ochrony porządku i bezpieczeństwa obywateli, ale również chroni obowiązujący porządek prawny i konstytucyjny oraz zabezpiecza przed zagrożeniami zewnętrznymi. Dyskusja na temat państwa i jego roli dotyczyła przede wszystkim tej funkcji, czyli zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa. Już w starożytnej Grecji można odnaleźć początki teoretycznej refleksji o państwie, przede wszystkim w Polityku Platona i Polityce Arystotelesa. Wykształciły się wówczas zręby teorii ustroju państwowego. Bezpieczeństwo zarówno w wymiarze krajowym, jak i międzynarodowym stało obszarem zainteresowań instytucji państwowych oraz organizacji i struktur międzynarodowych. Jest również przedmiotem zintensyfikowanych badań naukowych, konferencji i sympozjów. Co jest najistotniejszym wynikiem tej refleksji, to coraz bogatszy dorobek myślowy w postaci publikacji naukowych. Bezpieczeństwo stało się też istotną ofertą edukacyjną na poziomie wyższym. Aktualnie na około 90 uczelniach kształcą się studenci na kierunkach: bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne, bezpieczeństwo narodowe i inżynieria bezpieczeństwa. Na tych uczelniach powstają struktury organizacyjne (wydziały, katedry, zakłady), w których instytucjonalnie „polem wiedzy” jest problematyka bezpieczeństwa.

16

Polskie środowiska konserwatywne wobec Ukrainy w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku: koncepcje, wizje i perspektywy

75%

Świder K.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

|

2014

|

vol. 4

249-254

EN

In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend.

17

Внешняя политика Польши после 1989 года

75%

Sulowski S.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2013

|

issue 30

26-41

EN

The authors of Polish foreign policy after 1989 faced serious challenges. As the newly-achieved independence and freedom were being relished, bringing the promise of establishing a sovereign foreign policy, the prospects for ‘curbing’ this freedom or renouncing the recently found sovereignty in favour of the European Union were looming large. Since 1989 Polish foreign policy has made a breakthrough freeing itself from the discipline of the Eastern block and choosing the interdependence associated with Euro- Atlantic structures – which although impose their standards but do not restrict a state’s domestic and foreign activity. So, thanks to Poland’s membership in the EU and NATO it was possible to bring together sovereignty with a strategic westward orientation Yet, it must be added that the current discourse lacks common agreement in this regard. Poland’s internal ability to act and the international context preclude its ability to guarantee external security or create favourable conditions in which to develop on its own. To counteract this situation a stable, effective and responsible foreign policy must be pursued, in fact it becomes imperative to do so. The appropriate implementation of foreign policy requires a number of conditions: political stability, an internal political consensus on strategic goals and direction, the safeguarding of appropriate funds for policy-realisation and tapping into the intellectual potential of Polish universities. Only by increasing the internal capacity to act (materially and ideologically) can Polish foreign policy become effective. The discourse on foreign affairs should serve this very purpose: it should provide a rational definition of the outside world and thus, determine the methods of action consistent with this. Polish diplomacy needs such a strategy for our EU membership that would harmonise the interests of the Community with those of Poland, and one that would strengthen our position in other areas of foreign policy, and in particular in the Eastern dimension. A good relationship with the USA is necessary; it could boost Poland’s position in the EU and beyond. All this is possible under the assumption that the principal decision makers in Polish foreign policy avoid the competition between European and Atlantic loyalty and refrain from turning foreign policy into a platform for fighting over power.

18

Политические ценности демократии в России, Беларуси и Польше: сравнительный анализ

75%

Василенко И. А., Титаренко Л. Г., Абассы М.

Studia Politologiczne

|

2016

|

vol. 40

100-112

EN

The article demonstrates the general and special aspects of system of political values in different political cultures. The authors of three of the neighboring countries show that although the values of freedom, equality, social justice and democracy are shared by the population of Russia, Belarus, Poland, there are significant differences in the interpretation of their context in the national culture.

19

Pozycja konkurencyjna Polski w handlu produktami przemysłu spożywczego z Unią Europejską: bilans dziesięciu lat członkostwa

63%

Szczepaniak I., Ambroziak Ł.

Unia Europejska.pl

|

2015

|

issue 1

39-50

PL

W artykule oceniono pozycję konkurencyjną Polski w handlu zagranicznym produktami przemysłu spożywczego z państwami UE (UE-28) w latach 2003-2013. Punktem wyjścia była analiza wyników handlu zagranicznego produktami przemysłu spożywczego. Następnie dokonano oceny pozycji konkurencyjnej w oparciu o sześć wskaźników: wskaźnik orientacji eksportowej (OE), wskaźnik specjalizacji w eksporcie (SI), wskaźnik pokrycia importu eksportem (TC), wskaźnik ujawnionych przewag komparatywnych Balassy (RCA), wskaźnik relacji eksportowo- -importowej Lafaya (LFI) oraz dodatkowo wskaźnik intensywności handlu wewnątrzgałęziowego (GL). Z przeprowadzonego badania wynika, że w okresie członkostwa w UE umocniła się pozycja konkurencyjna Polski w handlu produktami przemysłu spożywczego z państwami UE. Konkurencyjne na rynku unijnym były przede wszystkim produkty branży mięsnej, rybnej, owocowo-warzywnej, mleczarskiej, piekarskiej i napojów bezalkoholowych, a od 2006 także tytoniowej. Polska nie posiadała natomiast przewag konkurencyjnych w handlu produktami branż winiarskiej, spirytusowej, paszowej i zbożowej.

EN

The article assesses Poland's competitive position in the food trade with the EU countries (EU-28) in the years 2003-2013. First, changes in the Polish food trade were presented. Next, six indicators, i.e. index of export orientation (OE), index of export specialisation (SI), index of trade coverage (TC), index of revealed comparative advantages (RCA), Lafay index (LFI), and index of intra-industry trade (GL) were used to analyse Poland's competitive position in trade. The obtained results show that in the first decade of EU membership Poland's position in the food trade with the EU countries strengthened. The competitive position on the EU markets was recorded mainly for meat products, fish, fruit and vegetables, dairy products, bakery products and soft beverages, and since 2006 also tobacco products. Poland did not have competitive advantages in trade for wine, spirits, fodder and milling industry products.

20

Ochrona dziedzictwa narodowego jako przesłanka ograniczenia swobód rynku wewnętrznego UE

63%

Serzhanova V., Plis J.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2017

|

issue 4

141-161

EN

It goes without saying that protection of the national heritage is a significant objective and task of modern states and all the international community, for it constitutes the nations’ identity and is a universal value which cannot be overestimated. In the integrated Europe it can become a premise restricting the freedom of goods flow in the European Union internal market because of its special signifi cance and value. The hereby paper aims at analysing the problems of restricting the freedom of merchandise in relation to the cultural goods and national treasures both on the level of the EU law and based on the judicature of the Court of Justice of the EU, as well as in the plane of the limits introduced by the national law following from the idea of special protection of the state’s interest and the constitutional values on the example of Poland. The subject of the paper in particular comprises some reflections concerning the definition of the concept of cultural goods, presenting the EU approach to the problems of the cultural heritage preserving, the analysis of the EU primary and secondary law normalizing the matter under the discussion, as well as the judicature of the CJEU. Moreover, it concentrates on the analysis of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the legislature, as well as the judgements of the Constitutional Tribunal in this scope.

Refine search results

Atrakcyjność inwestycyjna Polski w latach 1990–2016 – trendy, struktura i perspektywy

Политическая культура польского общества

L’IMPACT DE LA GRANDE GUERRE SUR LA SITUATION POLITIQUE EN FRANCE ET EN POLOGNE

Political Culture of Polish Society

JOACHIM OSIŃSKI, Państwo w warunkach globalnego kryzysu ekonomicznego. Przyczynek do teorii państwa

L’IMPACT DE LA GRANDE GUERRE SUR LA SITUATION ÉCONOMIQUE EN FRANCE ET EN POLOGNE

Prawne i polityczne aspekty odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej w Polsce po 1989 roku

INTEGRATED IT SYSTEMS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON MANAGING THE FINANCES

Nauki o mediach. Prekursorzy – ojcowie założyciele – medioznawcy i mediolodzy

Pierwsze polskie konkordaty (do czasów rozbiorów)

Теоретико-правовые вопросы ответственности Президента Республики Польша

Эволюция институтов гражданского общества в Польше на примере развития системы местного самоуправления

Konsekwencje gospodarcze wyroku Federalnego Trybunału Konstytucyjnego RFN w przedmiocie pierwszeństwa prawa UE

Besarabia w relacjach Konsulatu Polskiego w Kiszyniowie w okresie międzywojennym w świetle dokumentacji zachowanej w Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie

Wybrane problemy bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego państwa

Polskie środowiska konserwatywne wobec Ukrainy w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX wieku: koncepcje, wizje i perspektywy

Внешняя политика Польши после 1989 года

Политические ценности демократии в России, Беларуси и Польше: сравнительный анализ

Pozycja konkurencyjna Polski w handlu produktami przemysłu spożywczego z Unią Europejską: bilans dziesięciu lat członkostwa

Ochrona dziedzictwa narodowego jako przesłanka ograniczenia swobód rynku wewnętrznego UE