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Comédie polonaise, czyli O komediach przepolszczonych

100%
Ratajczak D.
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2014
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vol. 63
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issue 4(252)
56-80
EN
The title of the article signals a paradoxical, two-fold existence of Polonised comedies, which, though existing, usually go unnoticed, especially that most of them are second-rate. I propose to draw consequences from the fact of this double existence and to treat these texts as a product of multi-authorial and multi-generational type of creation of pragmatic character, belonging rather to theatre repertories than to literature and peculiar to the 18th and part of the 19th century. The first part of the article offers an answer to the question of why the figures of the Polish Enlightenment could feel as pioneers when they were launching the public theatre and started producing comedy, and what made their theatre stand out among numerous other spectacles of the era, either derived from old ludic culture or inspired by contemporary trends. The second part of the article discusses the problems of classicism that was being introduced at the time and of comedy, the literary genre that classicism appropriated both as an aesthetic and ethical category of ancient origin and as a long-standing practice of reworking to which the concept of plagiarism did not apply. Here, various models of comedy are discussed, with emphasis on the Destouches’ model that, as Mieczysław Klimowicz pointed out incisively years ago, dominated the scene. The third part of the article deals with the contemporary understanding of adaptation: the role it played, the consequences it was perceived to have, and an array of functions it was meant to perform. Thus, the part contains a list of its variants. The article also addresses the issue of unequivocal originality of the adapted work and of secondary originality pertaining to the sphere of practice and to the concept of adaptation. The authors and critics were aware of the phenomenon but did not perceive the Polonisation of comedy as inappropriate. In their minds, stealing someone else’s literary work could only make sense if both works were written in the same language. In the conclusion, some 20th-century adaptations from the same language are cited, but their situation is already different. Today, it may be said that, despite motivations of their authors at the time, they anticipated the current popularity of remixes.
2
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"George Dandin, ou Le Mari confondu" w polskim oświeceniu. Wersja mieszczańska i chłopska

88%
Łukaszewicz J.
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2014
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vol. 63
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issue 4(252)
81-96
EN
Two Polish versions of Molière’s George Dandin, ou le mari confondu (1668), a mix of farce and the comedy of manners, appeared in print in the Enlightenment period: Mąż zawstydzony (Durfour: Warsaw, 1779) and Mąż oszukany (Durfour: Warsaw, 1780). The article juxtaposes both these texts and compares them with the original and with translation and adaptation strategies characteristic for Jan Baudouin and Franciszek Zabłocki. The action of Mąż zawstydzony takes place in Warsaw, and Donder (the new embodiment of Dandin) is described as “a rich burgess”, whereas the action of Mąż oszukany is set in the country, where the main character, Walek Robocki, holds the office of sołtys (head of the village). Numerous adaptive measures are apparent especially in the second version of the comedy. The most substantial change, functioning at the same time as amplification, consists in a modification of the ending: in the last scene, added by the translator, Walek’s wife, Angela, contrary to the original text and to her own character of a cunning, wanton manipulator who neither loves nor respects her husband, which is how she is portrayed in this version of the play throughout all the three acts, now all of a sudden, without any arm twisting, admits her guilt and promises to be good from now on. The element of amplification that is clearly visible in this reworking is reminiscent of adaptations by Zabłocki. What this Polish play has in common with Baudouin’s Świętoszek zmyślony and his version of Tartuffe, as analysed by Emilia Zwoniarska, are the following aspects, which can be found in Zabłocki’s output as well: setting the action in Warsaw; new, localised and semantically loaded surnames; amplifications; allusions to the local realities; a tendency to make the realities more specific then in the original; translational redundancy; introduction of farcical elements where they do not appear in the original text. Dandin as “a bourgeois countryman” (in the words of Robert Jouanny) makes both of his Polish Enlightenment counterparts equally valid, because the differences of social status and the vices of stock characters are the principal cause of his problems in all three versions of the play. Both of the Polish translations retain these two features, and the 1780 version emphasises them even more.
3
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Les stratégies d’adaptation de quelques tragédies de Pierre Corneille dans le courant classiciste en Pologne (XVIIIe et XIXe siècles)

87%
Bajer M.
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
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2014
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vol. 41
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issue 2
125-139
EN
The study discusses general rules of transforming Pierre Corneille’s texts in the transposition process, so as to fit the linguistic and cultural context of Polish classicism. The analysis concerns translations and adaptations following the first reception period of Corneille’s works in seventeenth-century Poland. These include: “Otto” by Stanisław Konarski, “Herakliusz” by Tomasz Aleksandrowicz from the years 1744-1749 (the second Polish reception period of Corneille’s works), “Cynna” by Franciszek Godlewski, as well as “Cynna” and “Horacjusze” by Ludwik Osiński from the years 1802-1808 (the third reception period). In the 18th century, the strategy of emphasizing didactic elements of texts is dominant. In 19th century, the authors strengthen suspense and the element of surprise; Aleksandrowicz uses prose and Osiński simplifies classical rhetoric. All of the translators share the ambition of enriching the Polish language and creating the tragic canon.
4
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Tyta Liwiusza „Dzieje rzymskie” hrabiego Ossolińskiego. Pierwszy polski przekład Ab urbe condita

63%
Dziuba A.
In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką
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2018
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vol. 12
49-60
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony pierwszemu, niekompletnemu przekładowi na język polski dzieła Ab Urbe condita Tytusa Liwiusza . Tłumaczem był niewidomy hrabia, Józef Maksymilian Ossoliński, absolwent jezuickiego Collegium Nobilium w Warszawie . W kontekście uwag zamieszczonych we wstępie do swego przekładu, tłumacz jawi się jako osoba w pełni świadoma trudności, jakie mogą pojawić się w trakcie pracy . Jednocześnie jego poglądy na tłumaczenie korespondują z tymi, które głosili teoretycy i praktycy sztuki przekładu polskiego Oświecenia . Przeprowadzona w artykule analiza porównawcza trzech fragmentów oryginalnego tekstu Liwiusza i przekładu Ossolińskiego pokazuje słabe strony oświeceniowego tłumaczenia: długie, zawiłe zdania, nadużywanie archaizmów, stosowanie kwiecistych metafor oraz wzbogacanie treści oryginalnej . Chociaż sam przekład nie odpowiada dzisiejszym standardom, to jednak warto docenić trud Ossolińskiego . Ociemniały hrabia podjął się pracy nad przekładem nie tylko, by „pogodzić się” z kalectwem, ale też ze względów patriotycznych . Chciał pokazać młodzieży piękno i bogactwo języka polskiego w okresie fascynacji językiem i kulturą francuską .
EN
This article is devoted to the first, incomplete, Polish translation of Livy’s Ab Urbe condita . The translation was done by the blind count Józef Maksymilian Ossoliński, alumnus of Jesuitic Collegium Nobilium in Warsaw . Considering the comments in the preface directed to a reader, the translator appears to be a mindful person aware of difficulties of his work . Nevertheless, his ‘translatoric operations’ fully coincide with the translation theory . The comparative analysis of the three arbitrarily chosen excerpts of Livy’s Ab Urbe condita shows the weak points of translators craft, which are: an overuse of archaic words, building too long sentences, using flowery metaphors . Although, the translation itself doesn’t live up to the modern translatoric standards, it is important to acknowledge the validity of Ossoliński’s work . As he writes in the preface, Polish historians aim was to fight for a restitution and preservation of a language purity . Through his translation Ossoliński wanted to show the richness and beauty of Polish language to his readers .
5
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„Daj Boże Oświecenie w Polsce!”. Określenia Boga w pierwszym roczniku czasopisma „Monitor”

63%
Gorzelana J.
Filologia Polska. Roczniki Naukowe Uniwersytetu Zielonogórskiego
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2015
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vol. 1
63-76
EN
The paper depicts the names of God present in the journal ‘Monitor’ in 1765. The maga-zine, while promoting Enlightenment slogans, did not undermine the faith in God. Therefore, the following names of God appear in the periodical: the Creator (Stwórca), the Ruler (Pan Najwyższy, Pan Zastępów), the Guardian (Opatrzność) and the Judge (wyrok boski, boski urząd sądzenia). There are also conventionalized phrases (uchowaj Boże, daj Boże) which reflect the religious belief of the editors or Monitor’s readers corresponding with them.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono określenia Boga obecne w czasopiśmie „Monitor” w 1765 roku. Periodyk, propagując hasła oświeceniowe, nie podważał wiary w Boga. Pojawiają się w nim określenia Boga jako stworzyciela (Stwórca), władcy (Pan Najwyższy, Pan Zastępów), opiekuna (Opatrzność) i sędziego (wyrok boski, boski urząd sądzenia). Także skonwencjonalizowane zwroty (uchowaj Boże, daj Boże) odzwierciedlają religijny światopogląd redaktorów bądź korespondujących z nimi czytelników „Monitora”.
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